After the departure of Ahmad Shah Abdali from the Punjab in the end of March 1765, the Sikh Sardars captured Lahore. Ahmad Shah Abdali continued to attack on Punjab many times till 1767. But neither did he succeed in routing the Sikh power nor could he establish his rule in the Punjab.[1] The Sikh Sardars of the Misals started to plunder and capture the Mughal and Afghan areas. They established their independent rule in the different areas of the Punjab.

The areas controlled by the Sikhs extended from river Ganga including the districts of Saharanpur, Muzaffarnagar and Merath in the East to river Indus from Attock to Mithankot on the West, in the North from Shivalik hills comprising Kangra, Jammu and Bhimbar to the borders of Sind in the South.[2]

After the establishment of their rule the Sikh Sardars concentrated on setting up their administration. The Misal system came into being with the objective of eliminating the Mughal rule from the Punjab, of liberating it from foreign invaders and establishing an independent government by the Sikhs. This system succeeded in winning freedom for the people of the mother country from the grip of the most ferocious people before whom all other Indians had succumbed. The system of the Misals is also significant because it was the first indigenous system of territorial occupation and rule after centuries of Mughal, Afghan and several other foreign based periods of rule.[3]

The Sardars of the Sikhs:

In the beginning, the Chiefship of a Misal was not considered the hereditary right of a particular Sardar. The times were such that meritorious qualities of bold, brave, intelligent and wise men were valued. In the early stages the head of the Misal was chosen on the force of the quality and intelligence of the man and the claims of a Sardar's sons or relatives were not given importance. According to Ahmad Shah Batalia, "the founder of the Ramgarhia Misal was a jat and his successor Nand Singh was also a jat, but later the leadership of the Misal went into the hands of Jassa Singh Ramgarhia (carpenter by profession). As they were known for their bravery and intrepidity, nobody objected to this change of leadership in the Misal from jats to Ramgarhias. Similarly, the Chiefship of the Bhangi Misal did not remain in the family of its founder Chajja Singh, but went over to his companion, Bhoma Singh and after Bhoma Singh one of his brave and wise companions, Hari Singh, was appointed as the Chief. After the death of Gurbakhsh Singh, one of the Misaldars of Bhoma Singh the former’s nephew Gujjar Singh, was ignored in favors of Lehna Singh Kahlon who was an officer in the contingent of that Misaldar."[4]

Another example is that of Karorsinghia Misal. The founder Sham Singh was succeeded by his nephew, Karam Singh, who left his authority to Karora Singh, a petty personal follower, who again bequeathed the command to Baghel Singh, his own menial servant.[5] All the Sikhs in the Misal (jatha) considered it their privilege to elect a leader of the Misal. Thus, the Sikhs in the early stages did not attach any importance to the principle of hereditary succession. Later on, when the Misals had been formalized into more established and developed set ups, the principle of heredity came to be preferred. The headship of the Misal passed on from father to son or his nephew or even to his widow. As Jassa Singh Ahluwalia had no son, his nephew Bhag Singh succeeded him.[6] After the death of Jai Singh Kanaihya, Sada Kaur, the widow of Gurbakhsh Singh, became the ruler of the Kanaihya Misal.[7] After Khushal Singh Mitu's death his widow ruled her territory with the help of her Kardars. After the death of Sardar Baghel Singh, his widow Ram Kaur and Rattan Kaur, ruled his territory.[8] Khushal Singh, the nephew of Nawab Kapur Singh, became his successor.[9] Thus, the democratic practice of electing a leader of the Misals gave way to the system of hereditary succession.

To begin with the designation "Sardar” and “Misaldar" were roughly used to describe a person who led a Misal-band of the Sikh activists committed to serve as the vanguard of the Khalsa to combat first against the Mughals, then against the Afghans to ultimately establish Khalsa rule. Later on, these bands began to acquire territories. The chiefs of these bands themselves became Sardars of their Misals and the others became their Misaldars. The chiefs of the Misals, who had territories under them, distributed some villages amongst their companions according to the number of their horse. The grantees were the chiefs of the Pattis and came to be called the Pattidars.[10] According to Giani Gian Singh, “the minor Sardars joined some bigger Sardars and launched the process of territorial acquisition. They conquered territories commensurate to their force. Those, minor Sardars, known as Misaldars, always remained the supporters and well-wishes of their subordinates who remained obedient to them”.[11] As far as the mutual relationship between the Sardars and the Misaldar were concered, the overall charge at the Misal was in the hands of the Sardar(chief) and not the Misaldar.The Sardars had many Misaldars who acted as the associates and in accordance with his instructions. James Browne writes here, “the number of such Misaldars had grown to something like 400 to 500”.

Civil and Judcial Administration:- The Sikhs established a kind of feudal government in the Punjab. As the Misal administration was in its most fundamental aspects a form of village administration the most common court of justice was the Panchayat. It was formed as the democratic form of government and was a council of five by which not only villages but also various castes, traders and even armies were managed.[12] Each village functioned like a small republic. The Lamberdar was the head of the village who exercised general superintendence over all the affairs of the village on behalf of the Panchayat as well as the government. The members of the Panchayat used to be the men of integrity, honesty and probity and this was the reason that Panchayats were held in high esteem Malcolm writes, "As they (Panchayats) are always chosen from men of the best reputation in place they meet, thus this court has a high character of justice." The Patwari kept accounts of the lands and registered everything connected with it. The duties of the watchman extended to the arrest of offenders, general aid to the police, maintenance of a watch over notorious characters and suspicious persons and the general dissemination of local information.[13] According to Campbell, "The constitution of the democratic villages of Northern Indian and their government was run by reprehensive. He says again, punch men pramesher or in the punches there is God."[14]

The Sikhs divided the Punjab into districts. The Sikh Sardars appointed Kardars in each district. They were entrusted with the responsibility of supervising the whole administration. They carried out their duties without much interference from the chief. The Sardars issued parwanas or orders written by a Munshi affixed with their thumb impression and seal.[15] Each village had a complete self-government. There were also people generally known as representatives of pergunahs or large tracts who used to treat with the government on certain matters. On the whole the system of local government established by them was a fairly advanced and evolved.[16] Ordinary cases, both civil and criminal, were decided by the village Panchayat. The Panchayat comprised the most venerable members of the village who enjoyed the best reputation for honesty and good moral character. The decisions of the Panchayats were unanimously accepted. The social pressure was sufficient for offenders to bear the severest punishment most calmly. In case of defiance to the Panchayat's decision, the culprit was declared an outcast and all the members of the village community refused to associate with him for fear of the same punishment. The village functionaries rendered him no assistance so much so that the menials too refused all service.[17] There was no space for corruption, the Panchayat performed its duties honestly and corruption on their part must have been very rare. Charles Elliot, agent of Governor-General, writes, “I cannot call to recollection a single instance, during ten years experience in these states of Panchayat being convicted of bribery”.

The revenue system:- Land revenue was the main source of income of the Misal Sardars. Every parganah was given on contract. The contractor gave a village on a contract basis to one or more headmen who collected the revenue from each house. The villagers paid the revenue without any hesitation. Trouble arose in case of a famine, floods, heavy rains or an epidemic resulting is loss of cattle or crops when the contractor failed in remitting the full amount of revenue.[18] The fixation of revenue was determined by the nature and quality of land. Two rupees a bigha was the fixed rate for rich soil, one rupee and a half if it contained one-fourth sand, one rupee if it was half sand, and fifty paise when the sand was three-fourths of the quantity.[19]

The mode of collection varied greatly with the various chiefs. The Kardars calculated the yield of grains with the help of the appraisers. The revenue generally amounted from 25 per cent to 40 per cent of the grass produce and Batai was a common mode. The share of the Sardar varied from one-half to one-quarter of the net produce.[20]

Another method used was the Kankut. The yield of grain was calculated by the Kardars. The produce per bigha was assessed and the number of bighas and the quantity of grains were entered against each man. A deduction of one-tenth was made for the village servants and the remainder was divided between the farmer and the government in fixed proportion. Then the price of grain for the harvest was fixed and the value was calculated. The village money-lender was called upon to advance the whole or a large portion of the amount to the Kardar. Afterwards the Kardar aided him in collecting the grain.[21] The general rate, on the whole, at which a Sikh chief realized his share of the produce, was one-third of grain and one-fourth of straw (bhusa)[22].

The revenue system of the Sikhs has been wonderfully successful in promoting the extension of cultivation in a tract which prior to the period of Sikh rule was largely not arable, inhabited only by pastoral and nomadic tribes.[23] Polier writes here, "The Sikhs own immediate  possessions are exceedingly well cultivated, populous and rich; the revenues, in general, taken in kind throughout and not in money, which is very favorable to the tiller.[24]

Irrigation Department:- The Punjab was an agricultural state. During the Misal period the irrigation department, no doubt was not developed. It was dependent upon rain and river waters. There was rain fall in Punjab both during summer and winter. Wells, ponds and tanks were all harnessed for irrigation in the Punjab. Wells were the main sources for irrigation. There were two types of wells Pakka or Kachcha. Three to five bullocks were required to work a well continuously for twenty-four hours. At least two men were needed, one to drive the bullocks and the other to divert the water in the fields.[25]

Beside other sources of irrigation river water was also used. There were many cuts in the river Chenab. These works were performed by Zamindars or cultivators under the supervision of revenue officers. The rate was at eight annas an acre. Generally no water rate was charged. The Sardar was repaid by the increase of cultivation.[26]

Canals were also be used for irrigation. The Hasli Canal also called Shahi Nahar was diverted off from river Ravi. The canal passed by Dinangar, Majitha, Raja Sansi and entered the Shalimar garden at Lahore, after covering a distance of 180 Kilometers.[27] As is evident, the irrigation system was planned and multidimensional and was a major contributor to the prosperity of the Punjab. Because of general prosperity, the people paid revenue to the Sikh Sardars without ado or caviling. Revenue from agriculture was the main source of income of the Sikh Sardars and the Sikh Sardars utilized this money for welfare work. Because of a culture of constructive approach and good policies, the power of the Sikhs was on the rise and they established themselves on a sound footing. According to George Thomas, "Notwithstanding the state of warfare in which the chiefs of Punjab are constantly involved, the country is in a state of high cultivation; and though the population be great, grain is cheaper than in any other part of India. This advantage, in a great measure, is derived from the numerous rivers, by which it is watered."[28]

Land tenures under the Sikhs:- After the occupation of the Punjab, the Sikh Sardars retained the same system as had existed under the Muslim Government. They did not interfere with old and hereditary land tenures. The rights of the people in Punjab were regulated and protected by customary and moral laws. In the long course of political administration, the rights of the peasantry were so well defined under so well formulated traditions that there was little room for reform or alteration.

1. Bhagat Singh, Sikh Polity in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,oriental publishers, new Delhi, 1978’ p.86

2. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, Munchiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,1982, p. 348.

3. Ibid., p. 349.

4. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Twarikh-i-Hind, quoted in Sohan Lal Suri, Umdat- ut- Tawarikh, Dafter-II,  pp. 15-18.

5. J.D. Cunningham, History of the Sikhs,S. Chand and Co. Delhi, 1995 (reprint), p. 97.

6. Giani Gian Singh, Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, II, Language Department, 1970 (reprint), p. 225.

7. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, p. 353.

8. Giani Gian Singh, Tawarikh Guru Khalsa, II, p. 227.

9. Lepel Griffin, Rajas of the Punjab, Punjab Printing Press, Lahore, 1870, p. 57, S.M. Latif, History
                of the Punjab, p. 373.

10. Bute Shah, Tawarikh-i-Punjab, Daftar-IV, M.S., pp. 95-96, quoted in Bhagat Singh, A History of
                Sikh Misals, p. 368.

11. Giani Gian Singh, Tawarikh Guru Khalsa,  II, p. 122.

12. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, p. 362.

13. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, p. 362.

14. George Campbell, Memories of My Indian Career, Vol. II, London, 1893, pp. 53-58.

15. Ibid.

16. George Campbell, Memories of My Indian Career, Vol. II, p. 81.

17. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, p. 373.

18. S.S. Gandhi, Sikhs in the Eighteenth Century, Singh Brothers, Amritsar, 1999, p. 368.

19. Ibid., p. 374.

20. Ibid.

21. Jhelum District Gazetteers (1904), p. 136.

22. Ludhiana District Gazetteers (1888-89), p. 178.

23. Gujranwala District Gazetteer (1893-94), p. 71.

24. A.H. Polier, History of the Seikhs, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1787, p. 62.

25. Ibid., p. 366.

26. Hari Ram Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. IV, p. 366.

27. Ibid.