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1. To explore the extensive references to cattle, particularly cows, in the context of the study.
2. To analyze the depiction of Indra as a war god leading the army in battles.
3. To investigate the relative scarcity of references to agriculture within the studied texts.

Most of historians believe that Indra was the most important god of RV since it occurs 250 times. He was the god of war who leads the army in the battlefield. But the detailed study of Rig Vedic hymns and verses implies that Indra was also the rain god and this fact is merely highlighted by historians or less importance given to it. The question arises here why Indra, who was the predominant god of Rig Vedic people, the god of rain, is why consistent prayers are being offered for him.

 A. C. Das[16] makes an interesting observation that scanty rain with long draught and barren clouds, often presented the ideal weather to the pastoral for pasturing their cattle and roaming about from place to place whereas agricultural populations on the other hand were in dire need of copious rain. The situation for the latter one seems more pertinent when we study the Indra-Vṛtra mythological war in which Vṛtra is identified with the obstacle of water.[17]

The theme of Rig Vedic mythology mainly revolved around the Indra-Vṛtra war. The term Vṛtra means obstruction or resistance.[18] According to Griswold[19], the genesis of every demon may be traced back to some painful and bad experience, for instance, the experience of drought, disease, or cold. Prof. Muir believes that the conception of demons was “an idea quite in consonance with the other general conceptions, which their authors entertained, to imagine that some malignant influence was at work in the atmosphere to prevent the fall of the showers.”[20] At this point, it would be pertinent to raise certain questions. Why did the Ṛg Vedic poets choose this theme Indra-Vṛtra war? Is there any historical significance in this mythical war? Were the rain and rivers praised for the good yield of crops?

In RV, it is not only Indra who praise rain but other gods too. The Parjanya is also the god of rain.[21] There are many hymns and verses where Maruts pray for rain.[22] Interestingly other gods are praised for rain. Agni is praised as the giver of rain and abundant food.[23] If we make a comprehensive and intensive study of RV, then it becomes evident that there are not only these prominent gods who are praised for shedding rain but almost all Ṛg Vedic pantheons are praying for rain and water. Ashwins, the twin gods, are also praying for rain. The passage goes like Ashwin giver of rain and protector of men.[24] Brihspati refers to the sender of rain and the giver of food and Viśas (people).[25] Ribhus is a promoter of rain and the flow of water to low places to promote good works.[26] Adityas who are the sons of Aditi, the mother goddess, are all praised for rain. The Adityas, call the collector of rain, acquitters of debt, and upholders of movable and immovable things.[27]

There is another important facet of Vṛtra that most scholars ignored. It is not only Indra who is fighting with Vṛtra but the other gods too. There are numerous hymns where Agni fights with Vṛtra and killed him eventually.[28] Besides that other gods also combating with Vṛtra.[29] It clearly shows that they are fighting with a common enemy. Kosambi believes that the demons whom Indra killed such as Śambara, Pipru, Arśasānas, Śusna were the personification of drought.[30] This assumption seems to be correct except in the case of Śambara who is referred to as the owner of cattle and Divodasa defeats him by winning over the cattle.[31] The demon Arbuda is also interpreted as a demon of drought.[32] A. Lahiri also identified demons such as Vṛtra, Śusna, Kuvaya, and Aṣna as demons of drought which he concludes that Aryans were dependent on rain for their agriculture.[33]It seems, from the above mention facts, that the poets and the people to whom they are praying were in dire need of rain and water.

Now the question arises if Aryans were nomadic and pastoral then why they frequently prayed for rain? The Ṛg Vedic people whether Aryan or non-Aryans fight with each other frequently. R. S. Sharma believes that since they are pastoral and nomadic people (Aryans) fight only for cattle. But why then they are praying for rain and most of the gods fighting with demons for releasing rain and water? Kosambi made an interesting statement about the Ten-Kings battle. According, to him, the ten kings tried to divert the course of Parushni (modern name Ravi) river.[34] Can it say that these ten kings and Sudasa, the Bharata king, fought for the water which might be used for irrigation purposes? Surely nothing can be said but the possibility can’t be rooted out. Jataka traditions mention the famous battle between Sakya and Koliya tribes over the river water of Rohini which they used for their irrigation purpose. These two tribes lived on opposite banks of the river Rohini. The Sakya tribe lived in a village that was surrounded by rice fields.[35] The same pattern of living might be followed by the Rg Vedic Aryans which forced them to fight for the cause of water. There is an important passage from RV that buttress this argument. It goes as:

अहमत्कं कवये शिश् नथं हथैरहं कुत्समावमाभिरुतिभिः |

अहं शुष्णस्य श्नथिता वधर्यम न  यो रर आर्यं नाम दस्यवे ||[36]

The passage goes as I (Indra) smote Atka with many weapons for the defense of the sage: with those protections I preserved Kutsa; I am the slayer of Śuṣṇa: I grasped the thunderbolt I who have not given the water of the Aryan to the Dasyu.

In the mythical war, Indra contests Vṛtra with his thunderbolt to get victorious and release the water. As we have discussed above that Vṛtra is interpreted in two different ways. He is either identified with a cloud that restrains water in the sky or a long drought caused by scanty rain. Could it be a real war that Ṛg Vedic people are fighting for? Kosambi identified the killing of Vṛtra with the destruction of the artificial dam that ultimately ruined Indus agriculture.[37]It seems that author somewhere is subscribing the M. Wheeler’s Aryan Invasion theory. But he is somewhere contradicting his argument since he identified Indra as the rain god. How, a god who is praying for rain, can destroy the artificial dam that he identified with Vṛtra. S. Piggott makes an interesting observation by citing one Ṛg Vedic verses. He says that in the same hymn in which Indra is describing its celestial character realizing rain swelling rivers and praying for flood and conquest simultaneously.[38]There are numerous hymns where Indra is praying for rain and fought with Vṛtra.[39]It clearly shows that Vṛtra is not the one identified by Kosambi.

So, then who was the Vṛtra and was he a historical figure or only a mythical character? Before, excepting any of the views it is very important to get aware of a few more evidences. As mentioned above, in RV, Indra is not only fighting for water with Vṛtra but also with other enemies like Ahi, Śusna, Arbuda, etc...[40] The term Dāsa which historians identified with aboriginal and called the enemy of Aryans also falls in that category where Indra fought with him for water. The passage goes like this:

यः सृबिन्दमनर्शनिं पिप्रुं दासमहिशुवम् |वधीदुग्रो  रिणन्नपः |[41]

The fierce (deity) who, liberating the waters, has slain Sṛbinda, Anarśani, Pipru, and the slave Ahiśuva. Sāyaṇa identified the phrase ‘Dasam ca ahiśuvam ca’ as the proper name of Dāsa. Griffith[27] interpreted the verse as “Strong god, he slays  Anarśani, Sṛbinda, Pipru, and the slave Ahiśuva, and loses the floods. He says that all the names mentioned in the verse are the name of drought. Besides that Dāsas also refer as the master of water.[42]

If, the above discussion, where we see that it’s not only the Vṛtra but other enemies or demons also identified with drought or who obstruct rain or water, then can it say that Indra fighting with most of the enemies for water? The term Dāsa is mentioned here it shows that it was the war not only for cattle but for water also. If so then it raises a serious question on the theory of Ṛg Vedic society as pastoral dominated. But it would be haste to say that it was an agricultural society too. But there are some verses from the family mandala which can help us to understand the cause of the war for which Indra fought. It goes as:

पुरु यत्त  इन्द्र सन्त्युक्था गवे  चकर्थोर्वरासु  युध्यन् |

              ततक्षे सूर्याय चिदोकसि  स्वे  वृषा समत्सु  दासस्य नाम  चित् ||[43]

Here Indra is fighting with Dāsa in the battle for shedding water on the fertile lands. So, if the interpretation of the passage is correct and Dāsa is identified with the non-Aryans then it would not be impossible that the Ṛg Vedic inter and intra-tribal war was not only for the cattle but also for the sake of water that might be used for irrigation purpose. Romila Thapar[44] rightly observes that the frequent reference to the Indra- Vṛtra conflict attempted to think that agriculture might be dependent on rainfall.

In other verses, Indra is called the owner of ‘Kśetra’.[45] In other verses, prayer is being made for the winning of land and water.[46]There is another verse from the family mandala which can be taken as conclusive evidence. Here is the despute or battle fought for cattle, water and land.[47]

A.K. Yegna Narayan Aiyer believes that Rig Vedic people were well aware of irrigation through rivers which implies the construction of dams and laying out a canal irrigation system and they had the considered technical knowledge and skill.[48] R. N. Nandi argues that “Ṛg Vedic peasants used both drift irrigation and lift irrigation, the former through the channel (khanitrimā) connected with rivers and other water bodies and the latter with the help of pulley and suction. Pulley was used in the case of large, deep wells and suction in the case of masonry underground channels which ran for long distances, and water tapped wherever needed.”[49] Besides that Wojtilla, who interprets the term ‘Yavya’ as stream or channel also offers the same view.[50]There are numerous passages where prayers are being made for diverting the course of water that either directly enters into cultivated fields or other water bodies like lakes or ponds. But the following passage makes it clear. It goes like this:

या  आपो दिव्या उत वा स्त्रवन्ति खनित्रिमा उत वा याः स्वयञ्जाः|

समुद्रार्था याः शुचयः पावकास्ता आपो देवीरिह मामवन्तु || [51]

In the passage, the god Apah (water)is invoked by the poet for the water whether from the sky or through a channel being dug sprung up spontaneously may this divine water protect me. Wilson interprets the phrase ‘Khanitrimā,khananena nivṛttaḥ’ as either water stopped by digging, canals, or reservoirs in both cases water is used for irrigation purposes. A similar passage is from mandala second where Indra digs beds of rivers with his thunderbolt.[52]

So, the argument put forth by R. N. Nandi that Rig Vedic people knew the art of irrigation by drifting the course of river water seems correct. It is not sure whether they brought river water directly to their fields or store it in reservoirs like lake ponds or similar structures. This mechanism of water irrigation gives the reminiscence of Indus agriculture system. Possibly this system arose out of acculturation between Indo-Aryans and aboriginal people where they might have exchanged their ideas, knowledge, and experiences. J. Kuiper seems fairly right, after he found 300 non-Sanskrit works in RV, that it was a strong and high degree acculturation between non-Aryan agrarian populations which more or less integrated into a society of predominantly different character.[53] Allchin maintains that acculturation happened between Aryans and indigenous Harappan people and they influenced the Aryan language and culture.[54]

 According to Romila Thapar, there was a symbiotic relationship of mutual dependence in which herder might graze their animals on the stubble of fields or be provided with fodder in return for protection and such agriculturist would then accept the authority of the herder chief without necessarily being conquered by them.[55]She takes its history back to Proto-state in Baluchistan in which the leading family of pastoralists becomes the focus of power and the settled agriculturalists are the source of wealth and labor.[56] But it is difficult to believe that the Aryan society retained their earlier way of life. The settled agriculture communities had already been established in many parts of India and Pakistan and these people survive and maintain their culture and language and influence the development of Indo-Aryan language and culture.[57] Besides that, the Ṛg Vedic people were very progressive and materialistic too. According to R. S. Sharma the hymns and verses of Rig Veda are concerned with material not spiritual well beings of people.[58]

The other evidence put forth, in support of the pastoral society, is that agriculture reference is scarce in the family mandala. There are only 21 references to agricultural activities in the RV but only a few occur in the family mandala.[59]It seems bizarre that since they applied a statistical approach to construct the Ṛg Vedic economy they overlook one simple fact. As we know that the RV is organized in 10 Mandalas, which contain 1028 Śuktas (hymns), consisting of 10552 mantras or verses. It would be pertinent to get aware of some basic facts. There are around 37% of the total hymns in the text fall in the 1^st [60] and 10^th mandalas. On the other hand, the family mandalas ( II to VII) consist of six mandalas and hold 41% of the total hymns. If we see it from another way then  59% of total hymns fall in the Mandala 1,8,9,10. So, it is natural that the higher the number of verses and hymns in the particular Mandala, the higher the possibility of occurring references regarding agriculture. This fact doesn’t give much importance to historians or knowingly ignored it. It is said that the language of 1 and 10 mandala is refined and of later period but there is no consensus among scholars and linguists. B. K. Ghosh believes that the language of the first nine mandalas must be regarded as homogeneous.[61] R. S. Sharma quotes Hopkins, saying that the mandala IV of RV is among the latest of all family mandalas in which the hymn is devoted to agriculture operations.[62]But Talageri gives a different chronology of the family mandala of RV. According to him, Mandala IV is the oldest and the mandala V is the latest one.[63] Needless to say that there is much controversy over the chronology of Ṛg Vedic Mandalas. So, this is important to avoid this controversial chronology of RV, especially of family mandalas.

R. N. Nandi rightly said that "The emphasis on a well-developed pastoral vocabulary and the comparative rarity of an agricultural terminology common to the earliest Indo-European speakers.... notwithstanding, the Rig Vedic language.... offers much more in the shape of terms for fertile plow lands, seed processing, surface drainage, tilling, sowing, reaping, winnowing, grain storing, corn-milling, flour-straining and so forth."[64]

It suggests that what is important is the agricultural process, tools, crops, and fertile lands that are mentioned in the family mandala rather than an emphasis on the numbers. Even if we go through the statistical data the term Urvara, which is generally interpreted as the fertile land, mentions nearly fifteen times in the text and occurs ten times in the family mandalas itself.[65]

Kṣtriya Śuktā[66]  of the family mandala is the most important hymn which suggests that agriculture was an important aspect of the RV economy. In this hymn, Kṣetrapatī is praying for the good yield of crops.[67]The most important facet of this hymn is that, in one of the verses, Indra is directly associated with agriculture. He is praying for holding the Sita(furrow) and Pusan to guide her.[68] The terms Ṣuna (plowshare),Ṣira(plough)  are as gods. It should be remembered that in the later literature, Indra was as husband pati,  of the furrow, Sita, or of the fallow field, urvara-pati.[69]So the tradition can be traced to the RV. Here Indra is actively participating in agricultural activities which suggests that Ṛg Vedic Aryans gave much importance to farming too.

Although it’s never easy to reach any conclusion that what exactly the nature of Ṛg Vedic economy but it is certainly said from the above discussion that pastoralism and agriculture both played an important role in Ṛg Vedic economy. The Apala hymn in which the possession of her father’s head compared with his barren fields, clearly suggests the possibility of private property.[70] V.K. Thakur takes this hymn as conclusive evidence of the private property in RV. However, R. S. Sharma doesn’t take it as conclusive evidence of the early Ṛg Vedic period.[71] But a passage, from the family mandala, can be taken as conclusive if keep in mind that Indra is also called the Urvarajit. It goes like this:

विश्वजिते धनजिते स्वर्जिते सत्राजिते नृजित उर्वराजिते |

अश्वजिते गोजिते अब्जिते भरेन्द्राय सोमं यजताय हर्यतम् |[72]

Here Indra is called the winner of land, cow, horse, etc. which shows that the fight was also for winning of land. This fact refutes R. S. Sharma's argument that Indra is not prayed for land although he admits that there is a fight for Kshetra (land) and interprets the term Urvara as fertile land.[73] If there was a fight for land then there is much possibility that they knew the private ownership of land. Although it is very difficult to know the true nature of land ownership whether it was clan or individual based.

In conclusion, it can be said that to construct the economic history of Ṛg Vedic period it is important to make a subtle and comprehensive study of the text. Instead of statistical, it should be a contextual approach that can help to get a better picture of the Rig Vedic economy. It has been accepted by most historians who subscribe to the D. D. Kosambi and R. S. Sharma theory that Ṛg Vedic people as nomadic one who roams around from one place to another place and Indra as their war god. It becomes necessary to raise a simple question why then Ṛg a Vedic poet praying for rain or water and fighting for it? Indra played a dynamic role in the Ṛg Vedic society. As the paper shows that He is praying for rain and also contested with enemies for the cause of water. Besides that, almost all Rig Vedic pantheons fight with the enemy of drought or might be real ones too.

It’s not only Vṛtra but most of the demons were the cause of obstructing waters. Needless to say, those poets used their artistic skills and exaggerated the phenomena. Were all the wars and enemies mentioned in the Rig Veda mythical or there were some real ones also? In the later period,  tribes like Koliya and Sakya fought over the distribution of river water that they used for their irrigation purposes. So, the possibility of war for the same cause can’t be unexpected even in the Rig Vedic times. It should be kept in mind that Indra has also defeated Dāsas, who are supposed to be real enemies of Aryans, for the cause of water. This fact inclined us to conclude that the Rig Vedic people not only fight for cattle but for water also. And if the famous ten-king war happened for the cause of water as discussed in the paper, then undoubtedly agriculture also played a substantial role in the Rig Vedic economy.

1. V.K. Thakur, Constructing the Peasant Society of the Rig Veda, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Vol.54, 1993,p.57 (afterward as CPSR).
2. D.D.Kosambi, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India: An Historical Outline, Delhi, Vikas Publishing House,1972 p. 75(afterward as TCCAI)
3. R.S. Sharma, Forms of Property in the Early Portions of the Rg Veda, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol.34, 1973, p.95(afterward as FPR).
4. R.S.Sharma, Sudra in Ancient India,Delhi,Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,1958/2016,p.10
5. Sharma, FPR,p.95
6. Sharma, FPR,p.95
7. D. N.Jha, The Myth of Holy Cow, New Delhi, Navayana, 2009/2019(rep.).p.28.
8. Rajesh Kochhar, The Vedic People: Their History and Geography, New Delhi, Orient Longman,2000, p.21.
9. V.C. Srivastva, Agriculture in Vedic Age: A Review. In V.C. Srivastva and L.Gopal (ed.) book ‘History of Agriculture in India’, New Delhi, Vol. V Part I, Concept Publishing House, 2008, p. 205(afterward as HAI).
10. Gyula Wojtilla, What can the Ṛgveda tell us on Agriculture?, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarym Hyngaricae, Vol.56, 2003,p.36.(afterward as WRA).
11. E. Washburn Hopkins, Indra as God of Fertility, American Oriental Society, Vol.36,1916, p.252.
12. P.V.Pathak, Tectonic Upheaval in the Indus Region and some ṚgVedic Hymns,Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,Vol.76.1995.pp.1-15.
13. G. Wojtilla, WRA, p.41.
14. S.A.Dange, Pastoral Symbolism from the RgVeda, Poona, University of Poona,p.98
15. Stuart Piggott, Prehistoric India, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1952, p. 246.(Henceforth as PI).
16. A.C.Das, Rigvedic Culture, Varanasi, Bhartiya Publication House,1983, p.64
17. RV.1.52.2.2.14.2.3.12.4,4.16.7.8.100.12.9.106.3
18. F.J.B.Kuiper, The Basic Concept of Religion,History of Religion,Vol.15,1975,p.110.
19. [1][1] A. Lahiri, Origin of Demonology in the Rig Veda, Proceeding of Indian History Congress,Vol.26,1964,pp.35-36(afterward as ODR).
20. A. Lahiri, ODR, p.36.
21. RV 7.102.1, 6.49.6, 8.25.14.
22. RV 1.138.8, 1.64.1,1.85.4, 3.26.5, 8.20.3
23. RV.2.2.4, 2.6.5, 6.13.1,8.23.16.
24. RV. 1.181.1,2.39.7.
25. RV. 2.26.3
26. RV.1.161.11.
27. RV.2.27.4
28. RV. 1.59.6,1.74.3,1.78.4, 2.1.11,3.1.8,3,7.6,3.20.4, 6.16.48.
29. RV. 6.68.3,9.88.4,10.124.6
30. D.D.Kosambi,TCCAI, p.
31. RV.9.61.2,3.47.4
32. RV.8.32.3.
33. Lahiri, ODR, pp.39-40.
34. Kosambi, TCCAI, p.82.
35. B.C. Law, Tribes in Ancient India,Poona,Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1943,p.291.
36. RV. 10.49.3.
37. Kosambi,TCCAI, p.79
38. S.Piggot, PI, p.262.
39. RV.1.10.10, 1.32.1, 1.34.4, 1.51.15, 1.63.4,  2. 51,  3.12.4, 1.84.13
40. RV.2.11.2,2.14.4,1.63.3
41. RV.8.32.2.
42. R.T.H. Griffith, Hymns of Rigveda,Vol.III
43. RV.1.32.11.
44. 5.33.4.
45. Romila Thapar, From Lineage to State, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1990,p.29
46. RV. 6. 20.1
47. 9.85.4
48. RV. 6.25.4.
49. A.K. Yegna Narayan Aiyer, Agriculture and Allied Arts in Vedic India,Banglore, Banglore Press,1949,p.3
50. R.N.Nandi, The Ṛgveda: In its Historical Setting, Delhi, Primus Books, 2018,p.7
51. G. Wojtilla, WRA,pp.42-44.
52. RV.7.49.2.
53. R.V.2.15.3.
54. F.B.J.  Kuiper, Aryans in the Rigveda, Netherlands,Rodopi,1991, pp. 14-15.
55. R & B. Allchin,The rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, New Delhi, Select Book Service Syndicate,1983,p.299.(afterward as TCIP)
56. Romila Thapar, FLS, p.27.
57. Thapar, FLS, pp.7-8.
58. Allchin,TCIP,p.299.
59. R.S.Sharma, Material Culture and Social formation in Ancient India, New Delhi, Macmillan, 2007, p.32 (afterward as MCSFAI).
60. Sharma, MCSFAI,p.29.
61. B.K.Bhosh, Language and Literature. In R.C. Majumdar’s(ed.) book ‘ Vedic Age’, Vol. I, Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,1951/1971(5^th ed.), p.340.
62. Sharma,MCSFAI,p.30
63. Shrikant G. Talageri, The Rigveda: A Historical Analysis, New Delhi, Aditya Prakashan, 2000/2020(rep.), pp.38-39.
64. V.K.Thakur,CPSR, p.57.
65. V.K.Thakur, CPSR, pp.57.58.
66. R.V.4.57.
67. V.K.Thakur,CPSR, p.62.
68. R.V.4.57.7
69. E.Washburn Hopkins, Indra as God of Fertility,American Oriental Society,Vol.36.1916,p.257.
70. RV.8.91.5-6.
71. Sharma, MCSFAI, p.35
72. R.V.2.21.1.
73. Sharma, MCSFAI, p.34