Kuladevata worship holds a significant place in the spiritual lives of many Indian communities, especially in rural and hilly areas. Rooted in the belief that these deities—whether male, female, animal, or even a sacred object like a stone—serve as clan guardians, the tradition emphasizes a deep personal and familial connection to the divine. Worship of the Kuladevata is a tradition maintained across generations, often renewed during important family events, like weddings, where families make pilgrimages to their Kuladevata's temple to seek blessings. The belief is that this worship not only brings blessings but also offers a sense of divine protection, especially in challenging times. Each clan and village often have their unique Kuladevata, regarded as a powerful guardian and invoked under various names across regions, making this practice deeply diverse and locally meaningful.

The word Kuladevata is derived from two words- Kula meaning clan and Devata, meaning deity. Thus, it can be said that Kuladevatas are deities which are worshiped by particular clans.  The deity can be a male, female, animal or even an object, like a holy stone. Hilly peoples make a pilgrimage to the Kuladevata or Kuladevi temple to obtain the blessing of the deity after an auspicious occasion such as a wedding. The Kula devatas are mainly manifestations of great grand ancestors of a clan of Shimla hill states particularly of Kotkhai and Theog tehsils of Shimla District. However, the Kul-devata is the guardian of the family, of the lineage. Ancestors of the family have worshipped the deity and there is a bond between the family and the deity. Hence such worship bears fruits early. Worship of the kuldevata is said to appease the deity who is the sole protector of the family. One who worships his/her family deity is said to be protected by the deity in times of calamity.

For purposes of worship the Satani has three principal deities. The first is the Gramadevata (the god of the village or town), the second the Kuladevata (deity of his family or Gotra/clans), and the third the Ishtadevata (personal deity). Of these the first two are fixed for him at birth and the third he selects for himself from the many deities of the Satani pantheon. The worship of the *Gramadevata* typically takes place in a communal temple located in the village or town where the individual resides. Devotees visit the temple during significant occasions, offering prayers alongside gifts of flowers or fruits. Annually or biannually, a festival is celebrated in honor of the Gramadevata, during which the entire village participates in processions, dances, and musical performances. In contrast, the *Kuladevata*, or family deity, is usually worshipped daily within the family home at a shrine dedicated specifically to this deity. The peoples of Shimla Hill established many Kuladevata temples of Bushahr, Jubble, kothkai, theoge, Balson, Kumarsain among the oldest temples in Goa are the Mangeshi temple of Proil, the Shanta Durga Temple at Kavale, the Ganapati temple at Khandole, the Maha Laxmi temple at Bandewade and the Sri Nagesh Maharudra Temple at Bandora.  

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However, by custom, the family deity never changes for the paternal hierarchy family members. However, a girl after her marriage starts worshipping the Kula Devata of her husband. It is a must for every family member to worship the Kula Devata on all special and auspicious occasions like marriage, childbirth, when buying a house or when starting a new venture. This may be due to your feeling that you worshipped at a temple where you forefathers worshiped. The Kula Devata temple may be the only link between you and your forefathers. This great feeling definitely makes us act more positively after the Kula Devata worship and it yields good results.

One of the most popular male deities of the Simla Hills is that of Doom who is a principal deity of seven Rajput clans popularly understood as Khunds and worshipped in Kumarsan Theog and kotkhai thesils of present-day Shimla district of Himachal Pradesh. The peoples of these regions offer him ghi every time they (clarify butter), otherwise he would prevent their cows yielding milk. Every three years the accumulated ghi is spent on the god’s entertainment. He is closely allied with pap or newa, and one account thus describes his origin: - Kalnidh, an aged Kanet, who was issueless, went to worship Hatkoti Durga, Meshasuramardnhi, and meditated and prayed for the birth of a son, deity pleased with his devotion gave him some rice and told him that two sons would be born to him. When they grew up they used to graze a Brahman’s cattle, and the goddess conferred on them the power of doing anything they wished. On their death their pap began to vex the people of this region, so they were propitiated by worship and one of them stayed in the State while the other took up his abode at Kuthan in Keonthal.

The Doom Sharata, as he is also popularly known, of Kuthan , a village in the Shilli pargana of the Theog tahsil of Shimla district, is the brother of Doom deota  Nagarkotia of Sharmala another village of same tehsil. The story of the origin of Dums deota thus runs as follows: - An old Kanet Rajput, named Shura, living in Hemri village, had no son. His wife, Pargi, was also old and she asked her husband to marry a second wife in order to get a son, but Shura refused on account of his advanced age. His wife induced him to go to the goddess Hatkoti Durga and implore her aid, threatening to fast even unto death unless she promised him a son. Shura reached Hatkoti in seven days and for seven days sat before Durga Devi fasting. The goddess was so pleased at his devotion that she appeared before him with all her attributes and riding on a tiger. She granted him boon and bade him return home. Overjoyed at ‘boon’, he went home and told his wife the good news, and three months later she gave birth to twin sons, but both parents died seven days later, they were nursed by a sister named Kapri. While quite young the orphans showed signs of superhuman power. Their sister too soon died and the boys were employed as cowherds by the people, but they were careless of their cattle and devoted themselves to their favourite game of archery. So, the people dismissed first one and then the other. Both of them then took service with the Thakur of Darkoti, but were again discharged for idleness. They then roamed from place to in search of employment, but no one was ready to would help them out, and so they went down to the plains and reached Delhi, where they enlisted in the king’s army. To test the skill of their archery the king set up a tawa (pole?) from which hung a horse hair with a small grain in the centre. No one in all his army could split  the grain with an arrow, except these two recruits, and the king was greatly pleased with them, but as his Rani  told him that they were not common soldiers but possessed of magical power and should be sent back to their native place with a suitable reward, he gave them a huge vessal (charu) full of coins which they could not lift, and they were about to depart when two deotas, Mahasu and Shrigul, who were prisoners at Delhi, appeared and calling upon the bothers for help, as they belonged to the same hill region as themselves, promised that if they petitioned the king for their release they would be set free.

The Doom brothers implored the king for their release, and their request was granted. The deotas were so pleased that they bade the youths ask of them any boon they liked, and they asked their help in carrying the vessel home. The deotas told the brothers to mount their aerial steeds, look towards the Kailas hill, touch the vessel and whip up their horses. So they did, and their steeds carried their riders high up into the sky, flying north wards over the hills and halting at Binu, a place near Kuthan village.Mashu and Shrigul went to their dominions and the vessel full of coin was buried at Binu, where it turned into water, which was made into the baoli (well) The aerial steeds disappeared on Mount Kailas after leaving the young Dums at Binu. Binu then belonged to the Thakurs of Rajana, and the Dum brothers made themselves very troublesome, breaking with their arrows the gharas full of water which the women were carrying home on their heads or setting their bundles of grass on fire. The people became so alarmed that at last the whole countryside with the Thakaur at its head brought the brothers to bay in a battle in which the elder, who was called Dum, was killed. Kou, the younger, also died and both were cremated on the spot where they had fallen, but they emerged from the ashes in the form of idols. These miraculous images punished the Thakur in many ways, haunting him in his sleep and overturning his bed. To appease the images, who were thus becomes pap, the Thakur conveyed them to Nagarkot in Kangra, but when presented there before the goddess they vanished. The people were distressed at their loss and fasted before Durga until she made them reappear. So, she gave them back the images; but some say that she gave them other images in lieu of the originals. Thereafter Doom deota was also called Nagarkotia deota of Sharmalla. One image was brought to Sharmalla, where Dum was established, while the image of Kon was taken to Kuthan village. Temples were built for the residence of each at those places. But some say both images were first established at Sharmalla. People used to invite the deotas to their houses, but the Sharmalla people refused to send them to Kuthan, and so the people of the latter place stole one of the deotas and established him there. Doom of Sharmalla is worshipped daily by Brahmans, but his gur (the man into whom the spirit comes and through whom it speaks) is always a Kanet. The dewata has his kardars, the chief among them being the bhandari in charge of the stores. The Sharmalla women call him by the pet’s name of Nanu, but other people call him Dum. His annual mela is held on the Bishu day in Baisakh, but his jatra is held every 7^th or 8^th year. When a new Rana ascends the gaddi a rajaoli mela was held and this deity tours in every village of his devotees. The Shant mela was held every 50 years. The deotk’s followers are found mostly in Ubdesh pargana, but he is also worshipped in several other scattered villages in Kot-Khai, Theog ,Kumarsan and and Bushar region. He used to have a mela at Shamokhar. Some say that the dewotas Magneshwar, Kot -Ishwar and Dum sat in their respective places and the mela began, but the trio quarrelled and the mela was forbidden to be held in the future by Government. The Dagrot, people in consequence pay a chershi (fine)of Rs. 30 to Manan or Magneshwar every third year. The dewota helped Kumharsain to gain its victory over Keonthal, and when besought by a Rana of Jubbal blessed him with a son for which the Rana presented him with a gold image. Dum’s original image is of brass, but a few smaller images have been added as its companions. The Thakur of Rajana was also blessed with a son at an advanced age, and he presented Doom with a silver chain worth Rs. 140. The dewata is rich, having silver instruments (narsinga and karnal) of music, while a necklace of gold mohars and gold ornaments always adorn him. He is not dudhadhari (vegetarian), but goats are sacrificed before him. He is believed by his devotees to be a very powerful god, blessing the people but distressing those who do not obey him. He had a large dominion of his own, but Doom of Kuthan has a much larger one. The Doom of Sharmalla had seven khunds (descendants of mawannas) who recognized his authority. These are- Baghalu and Charogu in Khaneti, Atnet and Relu in Bushahr, Dogra and Rachla in Kumharsain and Dharongu in Balsan. The Charogu, Relu and Dharogu valleys were seized by Doom of Kuthan and added to his dominions.

The following is another account of this strange quarrel: - The worshippers of Mauni dewota, whose real name is Magneshar Mahadev and whose temple is in Mauni, a village in Shil, were confined to that region. Nearly 150 years ago the worshippers of both the deities, Mauni and Doom, use to assemble with their respective deities at a fair held at Shamokhar, an open space on the borders of the Ubedesh and Shil parganas. About 145 years ago, in the time of Rana Pritam Singh, of Kumharsain, the worshippers of Dum objected to the admission of Mauni dewata and his worshippers into Shamokhar. This led to a feud between the two parties, and the case came before the Rana, who in Vikram Sambat 1907 decided that if Mauni dewata was not allowed to be brought into Shamokhar, the inhabitants of Dakun, Rabog and Jadun (the worshippers of Dum) should pay a fine called cherski to Mauni dewata.

Koteshar deota (also called the dewota Koti), the State deity who has a temple in Madholi village, was offended by the above decision, so he prohibited both the deities from coming to Shamokhar. As he was the State deity, the Rana was bound to obey his orders, so both the dewatas are prevented from coming. When the worshippers of Mauni found that the decision went against them, they solicited the aid of a favourite khawas of the Rana who was a daughter of Utenun, a Kanet of the Moroshia family and a worshipper of Mauni. Through her persuasion the Rana gave permission to Mauni to come to Shamokhar. This partial judgment caused a quarrel between the rival factions, so both the deities were prevented from coming to Shamokhar in the future, but the chershi continued to be paid as usual to Mauni dewata.  But the Dum dewata refused to pay any fine to Manan deota and the worshippers of Manan devata protested either that they might be allowed to hold their fair at Shamokhar, or that the chershi should be paid to Manan devata; but no decision was given, and the dispute was not settled. Subsequently the chershi was paid to Mauni, but later on the authorities thinking that the deities’ visits to the Shamokhar were likely to cause disputes, stopped its payment and arranged for the payment of Rs. 30 in cash every third year as chershi to Mauni.

The devata Doom of Hemri has the same history as the Doom of Sharmalla Shura and Pargi lived at Hemri, and it is said that when the Doom brothers were killed their images were brought to Hemri and thence taken to Sharmalla and Gathan. Some say that the Doom brothers were killed by mawis even before the Thakurs of Rajana ruled the country. There is an image of Dum at Hemri temple where the people of Hemri, Kathrol and Guma worship him. This devata, when necessary, goes to Kangra on a pilgrimage (jatra). A mela is held at Hemri on the Sharono (Salono) day in Bhadon. The Balti mela is held every third year. A Brahman is his pujari, but he is generally worshipped by the Kolis and Lohars of Hemri.

Doom of Karel is worshipped at a temple in that village. He too is also an offshoot of the Doom brothers. Peoples say that Doom first went from Hemri to Kuthan, whence an image of him was brought to Karel, although Hemri and Karel are close together. The Karel people worship Doom in Kuthan, but as a mark of respect they keep an idol of him in a temple in their own village. A Balti fair is held every year and a Bhunda mela whenever the people wish, generally after 10 or 15 years. Every house sacrifices some goats, people inviting their kinsmen, especially their dhee-dhians (their daughters) and sons-in-law and their children. The Bharech Brahman does puja in the morning only.

Bhat devata also resides with Dum in the Karel temple. Originally a Sarsut Brahman living at Mateog, a village just above Kumharsain itself. Bhat was prosecuted by a Rana of Kumharsain and ordered to be arrested, but he fled to the Kulu side pursued by the Karel sepoy who had been sent to seize him. He was caught on the bank of the Sutlej, but asked the spay to allow him to bathe in the river before being taken back to Kumharsain, and then drowned himself. He became a demon and haunted the spay in his sleep until the latter made an image in his name and began to worship him at Karel. The other people of Karel out of respect for the image placed it in the temple besides that of Doom.

The people of Jhangroli in Chagaon pargana also brought an image of Doom from Kuthan and built a temple for him. He is worshipped with dhup dip every 5^th day, but has no daily puja. The people hold Gathan Doom to be their family deota, but the temple is maintained in the village as a mark of respect. Though the Dum devatas have their chief temples of Kuthan and Sharmalla, there are a number of Dooms with temples in Saraj, as already noted. Dum also came in Shadboch and there are four temples to Doom in the following villages of pargana Chebishi:- 

(1) Doom of Pharal – It is not known when this Doom was brought from Sharmalla. A man of this pargana lived in Saraj, whence he brought an image and placed it in a temple at Pharaj with the express permission of Malendu devata, who is the family devata of the Chebishi people. This Doom has no rath and his function is to protect cattle. If a cow does not give milk, he is asked to make her yield it in plenty and the ghi produced from the first few days milk is given to him as dhup. No khin is performed for him, but Kanets give him dhup dip daily. He has no bhor.

(2) Doom of Kotla – Kotla has always been held in jagir by the Kanwars or Mians of Kumharsain, and the Doom temple there was founded by one of them.

(3) Doom of Kupri- The people of Kupri village say that more than 700 years ago they came from Rewag, a village in Ubdesh pargana in Saraj and settled at Kupri in the Chebishi pargana of Shadoch. Their ancestors brought with them Dum, their family devata’s image, and placed it in a temple. A field at Kupri was named Rewag after their original village. The people of this village do not regard Malendu as their family god. There are at present nine images of Doom in the Kupri temple and a small piri (bed) where it is believed a Bhagwati lives with him. The Kaneis are his pujaris and also his grintha. A khin mela was held every three or four years at night and goat was sacrificed.

(4) Doom of Parojusha – Nearly 200 years ago, Kaji, a Shadhoch man who had lived in Saraj, returned to his village and brought with him an image of Dum, which he presented to his fellow-villagers at Beshera and made them also swear to worship him. This they did, presumably with devata Maleudu’s permission. More than 100 years ago one of the villagers killed a sadhu whose spirit did not allow the people to live at ease in their village, so they all left it and settled in Parojusha. A Bhagwati is believed to live with him in the temple. The Kanets worship him but their family god is Malendu.

It was a popular belief among Kanets Rajpurs of the area that if a man drinks the milk of his own cow or gives it to others to drink, he will incur the displeasure of his Doom devata in a practical form. But no evil consequences attach to the making and selling or eating of ghi from this milk. As a consequence of this idea those who arrange for supplies to visitors have to get milk from Kolis as it is said that although the milk of a Koli’s cow may not be drunk by the owner himself, it may be safely given to other people. Sceptics say that Kanets have often been compelled to furnish milk for distinguished visitors when Kolis milk is not available, and that no evil has resulted. They call the story of the deity’s wrath a convenient fiction designed to ensure owners of cattle the full benefit of the profitable industry of ghi making and to protect them from exaction. The custom was so widespread and presents such interesting features that a fuller account of it may free the hill-folk from the aspersions cast upon their sense of hospitality. In the first place the belief is far from universal amongst Kanets. The restriction in fact depends upon the dispensations and dispositions of various gods. Some there are who insist on their full rights and forbid the use of milk in any other form than ghi. Others content themselves with a formal recognition of their prerogative, whilst not a few allowed their worshippers both to drink themselves and give to others.

As an instance of the autocratic despot, we may cite the case of Doom, a god who exercises sway around Narkanda and Kumarsan. He did not permit his devotees to deal in any way with pure milk or curds and even the ghi must be properly clarified. Cases have occurred in which a new born child whose mother has died in childbirth has had to wait hungry until a milk cow could be brought from   some other regions where the local god imposed no veto. For it was an old feature of the superstition that prohibition or freedom to use the milk were dependent on the origin and lineage of the animal that gives it. A cow imported from the jurisdiction of an alien deity remains subject to the rules and regulations of its ancestral deity. Neither she nor her offspring could acquire the liberties or incur the disabilities as the case may be, of naturalized subjects of the new divinity. The principle was indeed applied to objects other than the sacred cow, for if the offerings made to certain deities pass from their spheres of influence the deities accompanied with them and thus often gain a footing in villages which have neither known them in the past nor want them in the future. “The deity held what the devata had held” was the motto of celestial beings in the hills. Doom, like the majority of interrelating deities, was a fearsome deity of whom the peasants stand in awe. Originally, he was a human being, born to a childless peasant by the mercy of the goddess Devi, but on his death his spirit showed a strange perversity. It would not rest in peace, but liked to vex the people. So, in despair they defied it and pop him fairly quiet. He still retains however some traces of his punitive devilry and if his worshippers transgress his orders, calamity will surely fall upon them. The udders of their cows dry up, the crops are blighted, and their children die, until at length they expiate their sin by generous sacrifices.

Passing to the next type of supernatural beings who play the role of benevolent monarchs we find that such are satisfied with a mere acknowledgment of their supposititious rights. They exact only the performance of the following ceremonies from their worshippers. When a calf was born the mother was not milked until the fourth day after birth. The milk was then placed in a vessel and left to curdle. When firmly set it forms part of a sacrifice offered to the animal’s ancestral devata. Ghi, curds and milk are poured upon the idol’s head; incense, flowers and sweetened bread were laid before it. The owner offered up a prayer that the cow and calf may prosper and asked the Kul-devata permission to use the produce of the former. The bread was eaten by the suppliant and after he had sacrificed a goat, he might assume that the deity has vouchsafed the liberty to use the ghi and milk as he deems fit. Since the cattle were mostly of local breed the rites were usually performed within the village temple. But this was not invariably the case, for where the cow or her progenitors have been imported a pile of stones was built to represent her family deity. There the goat was slaughtered and the votive offerings paid. Sometimes when the local temple is at a distance the offerings are poured over the horns of the cow itself, and this was always done if, though the animal was known to be of alien stock, all record of its deity has been forgotten.

The third classes of democratic deities who imposed no terms upon their clients were not uncommon, but they could grant no privileges for basis other than their hereditary property.  For example, milk from the progeny of any cow, once owned by a worshipper of Doom, has the same pains and penalties attaching to its use as though it lived within his jurisdiction. And this was so although its present owner lives far outside the limits of Doom’s sway and the original stock was imported several generations back.

With reference to the Kolis (low caste peasants’ families) the issues were obscured to some extent by the fact that a number of the caste could not afford the luxury of either milk or ghi. Also, in the olden days it was the policy of the rulers to depress their menials and if the noise of churning was heard within the Koli’s house, he was assuredly fined. This much seems certain that the superstition was not as general among Kolis as it is amongst Kanets. Where it applied the cause could usually be attributed to the worship of some deity adopted from the pantheon of the superior caste. Where both castes worshipped the same deity, the nature of the veto was the same for both. Sometimes in a village the Kolis were under the disability whilst the Kanets were free; more often the reverse was found to be the case. The custom did not appear to be aboriginal; the Kolis have learnt it from the Kanets and not the Kanets from the Kolis.

The clan deity and the village deity are regarded as the principal guardian deities and worshipped under a great variety of different names in different villages and clans. In every village the shrine of these local deities could be seen. Some of the deities are periodically worshipped and propitiated. Whenever, the natural calamities befell on the villagers and draught hit the village or cattle disease makes its appearance, then the whole clan turned for protection to the clan deity/village deity. It is observed that this local vis-à-vis any other universal god’s deities are considered to be more helpful in adversity and calamity. During such times, the kula-davetas/sthan davetas are approached by the member of the victim’s family or elders of the village through Gharinta, Gur/mali (whose body the spirit of kula-deo/sthan devata take possession of) for knowing the cause of trouble/calamity and the remedies thereof. The Gharinta answers the queries. The remedies to these as suggested by the kula-daveta /village deity are religiously followed. 

The worship of clan and village deities appears to be a synthesis of diverse local beliefs, customs, and superstitions, deeply reflective of the regional culture. It can be reasonably inferred that this tradition does not primarily involve expressions of praise, gratitude, or requests for spiritual blessings. Instead, worshippers primarily seek protection from illness, natural disasters, or other life challenges. Consequently, these deities are often worshipped in response to outbreaks of disease or adverse events. The prevailing attitude within the community suggests that when misfortune occurs, efforts are made to appease the clan or village deities to mitigate the perceived cause of such hardships.

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