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This paper examines Punjab politics during the period 1900–1940, a transformative era marked by socio-political upheavals, agrarian movements, communal tensions, and increasing resistance to British colonial rule. The study explores how Punjab, a predominantly agrarian society with a diverse religious and cultural demographic, became a crucible for both nationalist and communal radicalization. It highlights the interplay between the colonial government’s policies, such as the Land Alienation Act (1901) and the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms (1919), and the emergence of political movements that sought to challenge or reinforce the existing power structures.

The research delves into the role of significant actors, including agrarian elites, nationalist leaders, and communal organizations, in shaping the political discourse. It examines the impact of the Ghadar Movement, the Akali Movement, and the activities of revolutionary groups like the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) on Punjab's political landscape. The period also saw the rise of communal politics, with organizations such as the Unionist Party striving to maintain a balance between agrarian interests and communal harmony, while factions within the Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, and Akali Dal pursued divergent, often radical, agendas.

The study argues that the radicalization of Punjab politics was not a uniform process but a fragmented and multi-dimensional phenomenon influenced by global events such as the World Wars, the Great Depression, and the Indian Nationalist Movement. By analyzing archival records, legislative debates, and political memoirs, this paper sheds light on the socio-economic and ideological currents that underpinned the growing polarization and paved the way for the eventual Partition of Punjab in 1947.

This was the biggest and most ambitious project of socioeconomic and demographic engineering in South Asia[6]. From the 1880s to the 1940s, a dozen colonies were gradually established in central-western districts through the construction of one of the largest irrigation systems in the world, which transformed previously unproductive lands into fertile grounds for agricultural production. Later acts further improved the protection available to zamindars from "non-agriculturist" groups[7]. The development of "canal colonies" further ensured the loyalty of rural groups. Officially, agricultural colonisation was intended to alleviate eastern population congestion, colonise the area with the most "efficient" farmers, and raise living conditions. Recruiting from particular regions were thought to naturally possess the traits of "masculinity, fidelity, bravery, and loyalty."[8]  This clearly singled them out as ideal recruits to the British Indian Army. The districts of Amritsar and Lahore, and to a lesser degree, Hoshiarpur and Ludhiana, were the only areas in central Punjab where military recruiting was permitted. As a result, the recruiting process was quite localized[9]. For instance, about one-third of all Sikhs recruited in Punjab came from the district of Amritsar alone[10]. The British Indian Army's composition mirrored Punjab's significance in military recruitment. By the turn of the century, almost half of Army recruits were Punjabis. This ratio was unmatched by any other province or region in British India[11].

As a result, Punjab was a highly militarised province, although the districts that provided military recruits saw the most political, social, and economic effects of this development. The Punjab remained the virtual boundary of British India until the North West boundary Province was established in 1901, and as such, it was closely linked to the Anglo-Russian "Great Game" in Afghanistan, which further fueled the militarisation process. Although maintaining domestic security was the first priority, the Punjabi-dominated army was also heavily used to protect the British Empire's interests abroad. Punjabi personnel, both active and veteran, served in a number of theatres from South East Asia to North and East Africa. They also made a significant contribution throughout the First and Second World Wars. since of its role, the Punjab gained the nickname "Sword Arm of Empire[12]."

The Ghadr Movement

One of the most important revolutionary movements against British colonial control was the Ghadar Movement, which got its start in the early 20th century. The movement, led by Punjabi immigrants in North America, sought to use armed insurrection to free India. Its origins were found in the experiences of the Indian diaspora, particularly Punjabi Sikhs, who were well conscious of colonial injustices in their own country yet endured racial discrimination and economic exploitation elsewhere[13]. The founding of the Ghadar Party in San Francisco in 1913 marked the official beginning of the Ghadar Movement. The word "Ghadar," which means "revolt," was purposefully selected to invoke the rebellion against the British in 1857. Leaders who were greatly impacted by socialist and nationalist ideas, such Ras Behari Bose, Tarak Nath Das, Har Dayal, and Sohan Singh Bhakna, launched the movement[14].

The substantial presence of Punjabis, especially Sikhs, among the Indian diaspora contributed to Punjab's prominence in the movement. Their ties to rural Punjab made it easier for revolutionary ideas to spread back home[15]. The founders of the organisation saw Punjab as the focal point of an insurrection because of its martial customs and angry peasants. For the Ghadarites, the start of World War I in 1914 was a crucial moment. They aimed to take advantage of Britain's participation in the conflict because they saw it as a weakness for the colonial government. Indians were urged to return to their motherland and rebel against British rule by the Ghadar Party, which issued a call for revolution[16].With ships like the Komagata Maru and SS Korea transporting revolutionaries and weapons to India, thousands of Ghadarites answered this appeal. Anti-colonial feeling was stoked by the 1914 Komagata Maru incident[17], in which a ship carrying Sikh migrants was refused admission into Canada and subsequently forced to return to India.
The most ambitious plot of the movement came to fruition in 1915 when the Ghadarites, under the leadership of Kartar Singh Sarabha and Ras Behari Bose, planned an armed rebellion in Punjab. Infiltrating Indian Army regiments, instigating troops to mutiny, and starting a coordinated uprising across the area were all part of the plot[18]. Punjab was considered the key to this approach because of its significant concentration of military men[19]. But with the help of informants, the British intelligence system put an end to the rebellion. The campaign suffered a serious setback when important leaders like Kartar Singh Sarabha were arrested and executed. In Punjab's political and cultural legacy[20]. The Ghadar Movement was brutally and quickly put down by the British. Several leaders were executed as a result of the Lahore Conspiracy Case trials, while others received lengthy jail terms. Mass arrests, censorship, and monitoring were among the repressive tactics used in Punjab to put an end to revolutionary activities. Punjab's political climate was significantly impacted by the Ghadar Movement. Its focus on armed conflict and revolutionary philosophy served as an inspiration for other groups, including the 1920s Babbar Akali Movement. Punjab's agricultural society found resonance in the Ghadarites' criticism of colonial exploitation and their appeal to rural dissatisfaction, which encouraged a spirit of rebellion against British policy. Punjabis' political awareness was raised by the movement, especially among the poorer classes and rural peasants. The foundation for subsequent partnerships, such as alliances with socialist groups and the Indian National Congress, was established by the Ghadarites' global ties[21].
Agrarian Unrest

The state took a number of actions to control the impacts of recruitment and demobilisation in certain districts since it was aware of the implications of militarisation. The establishment of District Soldier Boards, which were expressly tasked with guaranteeing the welfare of demobilised troops and the families of serving soldiers, was the most significant of these[22]. This was done in conjunction with the granting of land grants and the providing of pensions. It is thus not unexpected that many people now see the sarkar as a compassionate being. Five administrative divisions, each overseen by a commissioner, were established to exercise authority over the province. The ownership of a zaildari was a way to gain local influence in central and eastern districts, where social hierarchies were less pronounced[23]. This administrative control was combined with the development of a political structure that promoted the dominance of intermediary groups. The provincial administration made sure that powerful landowners were the only ones with political clout in the countryside under the dyarchy. Furthermore, under the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, only members of "agriculturist" tribes were allowed to run for office in the rural Legislative Council areas. Even with the 1935 Government of India Act and the expansion of the right to vote, this pattern remained largely unchanged because constituencies were redrawn to guarantee the dominance of rural interests in the provincial assembly[24].

 The Unionist Party in Punjab Politics

The Unionist Party, which dominated provincial politics until the eve of Partition, was the most prominent representative of these interests. Early in the 1920s, the party became a recognised political organisation in the Punjab Legislative Council. The Unionist Party was a part of a larger kaleidoscope of landlord and loyalist parties that operated in different subcontinental provinces, despite being dominated by powerful landowner interests.
The Unionists, in general, stood for a wide alliance of rural interests that transcended communitarian lines. However, their power came from well-established networks of patronage, which were especially potent in the western portion of the province, rather than the political stance of the Unionist Party. The Unionists spearheaded the fight for agricultural

reforms, especially those pertaining to rural indebtedness, since they represented agriculturist interests. By doing this, they made an effort to resolve agricultural complaints that would have threatened state control. For colonial officials, the possibility of revolt in Punjab was almost unthinkable because to the systems and technology of patronage and control. Punjabi society faced hitherto unheard-of pressures as a result of the province's militarisation, even if it was helpful for many families looking to increase their income. The frontline also saw soldiers scarred by what they saw on the battlefield, especially in the trenches on the Western Front[25]. These experiences were crucial in the dismantling of racial stereotypes and the belief that many held in the invincibility of the sarkar. Pressures on local recruiters to enlist more men for the war effort frequently resulted in complaints of coercion and administrative high handedness The planned Punjab Land Colonisation Bill[26], which the canal colony residents believed to be unfair, served as the first catalyst for the agitation, which was initially spurred by pervasive corruption and poor management in the Chenab Colony.

 With the help of Lala Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh, this protest movement quickly took on a radical nature that resulted in the government's historic political defeat[27]. There were few, if any, chances for a coordinated campaign against the Raj in Western Punjab, where strong tribal chiefs who owned land ruled[28]. Politics was also separated between rural and urban spheres on a deeper degree[29]. There were five major groupings in rural life, to the degree that generalisations can be made. Landlords, who owned huge parcels of land that were rented to tenants for agriculture, occupied the highest rung of the economic pyramid[30]. These renters themselves may own modest land holdings and be quite affluent. Although even this structure varied significantly throughout the province, other groups included landless labourers, or kisans, who relied on their landowners for employment, peasant cultivators who owned and worked their landholdings, and servant groups, or kamis, who provided essential services[31]. Strictly speaking, this thesis primarily examines a specific region of the Punjabi landscape.
The Akali Movement

Punjab's colonial politics were altered by the Akali Movement, a crucial sociopolitical and theological conflict that arose in the early 20th century. The movement, which focused on reforming Sikh gurdwaras (religious shrines), was a reaction to the unethical actions of the mahants (custodians) who were selected by the British to run these establishments. But the Akali Movement went beyond its religious roots to become a potent anti-colonial force that influenced Punjabi politics and the larger fight for Indian independence. As a component of the larger Singh Sabha reform movement, the Akali Movement began in the early 1920s. The late 19th-century Singh Sabha was founded with the goal of restoring Sikh identity and religious rituals, which had been weakened by colonial control as well as the influence of Christianity and Hinduism. The desire for control over Sikh gurdwaras, which had turned into hubs of corruption under mahants, was at the heart of the Akali Movement. These guardians, who were often British loyalists, were charged with poor leadership, moral decay, and disrespect for Sikh customs. Events like as the Nankana Sahib massacre (1921), in which British-backed mahants used violence against peaceful Sikh reformers attempting to seize control of the shrine, gave the movement impetus. The Sikh community was inspired by this sad incident, which also made the Akali Movement well known. Additionally, it brought attention to the colonial government's harsh practices, which fuelled Punjab's anti-British feeling.
The establishment of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) in 1920 was one of the Akali Movement's major successes. By promoting the transfer of administration of Sikh gurdwaras to the Sikh community, the SGPC emerged as the governing body for these establishments. Concurrently, the Shiromani Akali Dal was founded as the political branch of the movement, inspiring Sikhs across Punjab to take part in demonstrations, agitations, and talks with the colonial authorities. For Sikhs, the Akali Dal served as a forum for unity, uniting religious leaders, urban elites, and rural peasants behind a single goal. It also functioned as a political leadership training ground, producing notable leaders such as Master Tara Singh. These figures were crucial in tying the agenda for gurdwara reform to the larger fight for Indian independence.

Originally centred on religious reform, the Akali Movement soon merged with the fight against colonialism. The Akalis understood that the British government's backing of dishonest mahants was a component of a larger plan to stifle nationalist aspirations and erode Sikh unity. Consequently, the organisation joined up with the Indian National Congress and took part in national operations against British authority, including the Non-Cooperation organisation (1920–1922). Participation of Peasants and Agrarian Politics was a standout feature of Akali movement. The rural populace of Punjab, especially the farmers, strongly supported the Akali Movement. Small and medium landowners controlled Punjab's agricultural economy, which was already struggling as a result of colonial policies including the commercialisation of agriculture and the high land revenue system.

By planning marches, sit-ins, and demonstrations against the British, the Akali leaders embraced Gandhian strategies of peaceful resistance. Thousands of Akali activists were detained, imprisoned, and even murdered during clashes with the colonial authority, demonstrating the harsh persecution they endured[32]. Instead of weakening the movement, this suppression made it more determined and solidified its position in Punjabi politics. A distinct political dynamic emerged in Punjab as a result of the movement's strong ties to agricultural problems, where religious and economic concerns were intricately entwined. To gain broad support among the Sikh peasants, Akali leaders often expressed their demands in a way that spoke to both religious fervour and economic fairness. The Akali Movement was able to evolve from a reformist movement to a long-lasting political force because to its institutionalisation[33].
The Sikh Gurdwaras Act of 1925, which gave the SGPC authority over significant Sikh sites, was passed as a result of the Akali Movement's persistent insistence[34]. In addition to accomplishing its main goal, this win was historic for the movement because it showed how successful peaceful resistance and mass mobilisation can be. Another significant development in Punjabi politics was the Gurdwara Reform Act. By granting them a formal position in gurdwara administration and Sikh interest representation, it made the SGPC and Akali Dal the focal points of Sikh political life[35]. Unexpected repercussions of the Akali Movement's effectiveness in energising Sikh identity included the communalisation of Punjabi politics. The movement increased tensions between the Sikh, Hindu, and Muslim populations even though its original goal was to bring Sikhs together under a single religious and political banner[36]. Punjab's sectarian divides were exacerbated by the focus on Sikh uniqueness and the assertion of Sikh rights, which often conflicted with the interests of other religious communities. As the Indian independence movement gained traction in the 1930s and 1940s, these differences were more pronounced. Punjab's politics became even more divided with the development of the Muslim League under figures like Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the call for a separate Muslim state[37]. Fearing that Sikhs would be marginalised in a state with a majority of Muslims, the Akalis rejected the notion of Pakistan under the leadership of individuals such as Master Tara Singh[38]. The Akalis were directly at odds with the Muslim League as a result of their resistance, which sided with the Congress Party, which is controlled by Hindus.
Punjab's political climate was significantly and permanently impacted by the Akali Movement. Sikh interests were kept at the forefront of Punjabi politics because to its focus on Sikh identity and institutionalisation via the SGPC and Akali Dal. Other political and social movements in the area were influenced by the movement's demonstration of the effectiveness of mass mobilisation.
But another aspect of the Akali Movement's legacy is its role in communalising Punjabi politics[39].  

The Marxist movement in Punjab

The Marxist movement in Punjab was mostly focused in metropolitan areas and core rural regions for a number of reasons that will be discussed later. Sikh Jats, the same socioeconomic group that provided the British Indian army with an excessively large number of recruits, made up the majority of Marxist cadres even in these regions. In general, the central districts, and the Manjha tract in particular, were among the Punjab's most densely populated and

heavily cultivated areas[40]. The majority of the population in these areas were small-scale peasant proprietors, the same economic group that the Raj claimed to defend. In order to supplement their income, many people migrated to far-off places and joined the army as a result of the many demands on the land. As a result, immigration, enlisting, and land cultivation were often used to augment family earnings. As a result, the centre districts became more wealthy, particularly in contrast to the poor southwestern Punjab or salt range region[41]. Ironically, however, the same advantages that made these areas relatively prosperous also served as gateways to radical politics. And here is when Empire's dual nature comes into play. The Empire could provide many of the circumstances and possibilities that allowed it to be challenged, in addition to exerting power and offering actual or imagined affluence. And as a result of these and other factors coming together, Punjab saw the emergence of a leftist movement that endangered the province's stability.

Political movements and the rise of Indian nationalism

A key component of this movement throughout the British era was military. Tens of thousands of Punjabis served abroad as members of the British Indian Army or as ex-servicemen in local police forces that were spread throughout South East Asia and East Africa due to the country's extreme militarisation[42]. In fact, the first known example of this migration was in 1867, when one hundred Sikh immigrants arrived in Hong Kong to support the fledgling police force there[43]. However, this migration was not limited to active or retired military people; thousands of Punjabi workers, peasants, small businessmen, and students also travelled to distant places outside of South Asia. The desire to improve their financial circumstances motivated the great bulk of these migrants. This was especially true in central Punjab, where the largest population densities in the area, along with dispersed landholdings and rural debt, served as "push" reasons for a large number of migrants[44]. Consequently, the bulk of immigrants who moved to the Far East, East Africa, and North America in pursuit of better chances were Jat Sikhs from central Punjab. Later, these areas turned out to be fertile habitat for both ardent revolutionaries and disillusioned patriots.

When sectarian violence swept across Punjab during India's 1947 Partition, displacing millions of people, this polarisation would have disastrous consequences. In colonial Punjab, the Akali Movement had a profound impact on the political, social, and religious landscape of the area[45]. It began as a gurdwara reform movement and developed into a potent anti-colonial movement that inspired Sikhs in both rural and urban areas to oppose British authority. Its accomplishments, such the Sikh Gurdwaras Act's passing and the SGPC's formation, showed the power of peaceful opposition and grassroots movement. Yet, the movement's focus on Sikh identity also played a part in Punjab's politics becoming more communalised, a legacy that would have a significant impact on the area[46]. Notwithstanding these complications, the Akali Movement continues to be a pivotal period in Punjabi history, emphasising the role that politics, religion, and colonial resistance had in determining the future of the area.

A loosely fashioned sense of a "Indian" identity was formed as a result of the rapid dismantling of superior racial stereotypes and the everyday experiences of official discrimination and ritual humiliation that one encountered in the diaspora. This sense quickly gave rise to an organised and radical anti-imperialist sentiment. Due to interactions with prominent Indian dissidents like Lala Hardayal, this fledgling anti-imperialist movement gained traction[47]. As a consequence, the monthly Ghadar was established in San Francisco, and in 1914, a political party using the same name was established. The Ghadar Party's goals were much more extreme than those of the mainstream nationalist movement, which at the time was pleading with the British government for additional constitutional rights. They called for India to be completely freed from British domination.

The period between 1900 and 1940 was a transformative era for Punjab politics, characterized by the interplay of colonial policies, communal identities, and emerging nationalist aspirations. Punjab, as a critical province in British India, witnessed a unique political evolution shaped by its agrarian economy, diverse communities, and strategic importance. The dynamics of this period reflected the tensions between colonial control and indigenous resistance, which ultimately set the stage for the broader struggles for independence and self-determination. Simultaneously, Punjab became a hotbed for radical political movements. The Ghadar Movement and the Akali Movement exemplified the growing discontent with British rule and the desire for socio-political reform. The Ghadarites, through their international networks and revolutionary zeal, challenged colonial hegemony, while the Akalis, rooted in Sikh religious identity, fought for gurdwara reforms and broader Sikh political rights. These movements not only galvanized sections of the population but also demonstrated the potential for grassroots mobilization against oppression.

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