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The economy of any nation defines its growth and development. it also reflects on how efficiently the resources have been utilized to ensure progressive growth. These resources are derived mainly from natural elements. But, the utilization of these resources depends on many factors such as industrialization, availability of transport, capital, and others. Nonetheless, the region in focus, i.e., Garhwal, is endowed with numerous natural resources, but at the same time, the region is prone to natural calamities. Thus, the economy of the region was never able to cope with it and suffered hard when indiscriminate exploitation led to the degradation of natural resources. In the short term, the economy boomed because of the commercialization of cropping and timber cutting, yet it showed repercussions in the long run. The given paper discusses the economy of the colonial regime and how it fulfilled its selfish interests by abusing the natural resources of the region extensively, and the consequences that the natives had to face due to all such activities.

1. To analyze the economic activities in Garhwal under the colonial rule. 2. To comprehend how these activities degraded the ecology of Garhwal.

Historical method, Interview method.

The British acquired this land from the Napal via the Treaty of Sugauli on 4th March 1816. The region which is confined under the rugged Himalayas was not of much profit to the Raj, yet they had their rationales and it could be testified by William Crooke’s word tells that once the jungles are cleared, the land could be extended for agriculture and the irrigation would be done by using the waters of Gunga and Jumna. Also, connectivity through railways would certainly make Dehradun and Mussorie, perfect for colonial rule.[13]

Pauw’s settlement report however speaks otherwise. It informs that there was a dearth of good cultivable land, thus it was impossible for the locales to pay a regular revenue out of the produce. Thus, he was not in favor of setting up a fixed amount nor was he in a favor of preparing a systematic record as he was well aware of commons incapacity to pay the taxes.[14] It was reported that extensive agriculture is possible in the plain regions of Dehradun and Haridwar, however, energy and skills were required due to shallow and gravel-laden sub-soil.[15]

The agricultural statistics of the North-Western provinces, from 1896-1901 illustrate that the growth of crops such as rice, wheat, barley, Ragi, Maize, and Gram was recorded in Dehradun. The region also had moderate to negligible yield of til, sugarcane, cotton, and rape and mustard seeds[16], however, there is no extensive statistical data available for Garhwal.[17]

Statistical data of agriculture in the year 1901-1906 illustrates more or less the similar figure for the regions.[18] The statistical data of 1904-05 to 1908-09 however recorded the yield in the Garhwal region and it shows that the yield of food crops is higher in Garhwal than in Dehradun, however, it was not the case with the yield of maize.[19] Tobacco and maize are also grown here as alternate crops for three years and then when soil becomes exhausted, then wheat and cotton are raised. In higher altitudes, the seeds are sown when the snow melts in June and are reaped in autumn.[20] More or less, the region did not yield much agricultural produce and the extraction of revenue from this source was not proved to be profitable for the Raj. 

However, commercial crops were introduced to the region, in order to fulfill the dearth of revenue. It was in 1853-54 experiments were done for the cultivation of tea, especially in Dehradun. The results, in the beginning, were disastrous and all those who ventured upon it, lost their investments. The cause of failure was mainly due to a lack of knowledge and skilled workers for the tea plantation; therefore, Chinese manufacturers were called, and superintendent of the  Botanical Garden of Saharanpur confirmed the favorable growth of tea here.[21]

Tea plantation reached its zenith by the year 1878.[22] By 1922, five tea gardens were set up in the region, these were-

1.  Benital Tea-garden

2.  Silkot tea garden, dakghar lohba, targahr karnaprayag,

3.  Gadoli tea garden, pauri

4.  Gwaldam tea garden (bought by the government in the year 1919)

5.  Talwari tea garden 

Also,  various other seeds were imported to the region for experiment purposes. The experiment to grow them successfully in the region would have helped in cutting down their imports to India. Hops, for instance, was grown on about an acre of land, and fine quality was obtained from it. Moreover, several other trees like sweet chestnut, chinchona, tallow trees of China, etc., which were alien to the region were imported, so that they can be grown indigenously and the strenuous task of import would have been avoided.[23]

Albeit it's pertinent to point out that at times these experiments failed and imported goods had to be discontinued. For instance, Chinchona which was introduced in Doon managed to grow in its initial phase but failed to yield success in the later stage.[24] A nursery at Gabini in Garhwal, was started by Mr. J.S Campbell for the distribution of English fruit grafts, but it was of no success.[25] Such experiments were based on the hit-or-miss method. The introduction of such seeds which were alien to the region would have definitely shown a repercussion in the form of loss of fertility and that too on top of less availability of cultivable land in Garhwal. 

Another means of extraction of revenue for the colonialists was through forest production exploitation. The forest produce for the given purpose was divided into two main categories-

1.  Major produce- timber and firewood.

2.  Minor produce- leaves, fruits, fibres, grass, gums, raisin, barks, animal and mineral products, etc.[26]

In 1825, Dr. Wallich was deputed to enquire into the subject of forests of Upper India. He made valuable remarks post his inquiry; that the “Sissoo and Sal forests of Dehradun are highly recommended for preservation so that their timber can be used judiciously because otherwise, the injudicious usage of the forest produce by the natives could have detriment the growth of such profitable forests.”[27] He further remarked that the forests of this region need to be conserved. However, the conservation that he was talking about was a conduit for prohibiting the locales from the extraction of forest produce and for the Raj to continue their disastrous activities to degrade the resources of the land. Such realization of profit under Raj can be attested by the words of officials who remarked that one of the simplest modes of realizing revenue was by extraction of timber produce. Many industries based on forest and forest produce,  such as fire-wood and charcoal,  saw-milling,  paper and pulp, etc. were then established.[28]

Traill viewed the Terai region as the sole property of the government, with no claim of the natives over these forests.[29] In fact, he was authorized to collect revenue and resultantly revenue from forest produce increased from Rs. 566 in the year 1818 to Rs. 1415 in 1828. The complete management of the forests of the region was transferred to the forest department in 1868, and the proprietary over forest land came under complete control of the government.[30] In 1879, they were declared as reserved forests under the Forest Act of 1878[31], and as a result villages within forest limits bore the brunt of this. They were robbed of their customary rights over the forests, on the other hand, an absolute rule was realized over these forests by the colonial regime and extensive deforestation began right after they legitimatized it via the forest acts.

Moreover, rolling roads were used extensively in the Himalayan region for transporting logs across steep slopes. Carriage paths and forest tramways were also constructed for the purpose.[32] Extraction was done in the form of dry and wet slides. Gravity ropeways were another successful system of loading and emptying the timber on slopes.[33] This is to say that means of transportation were developed in the region, not for the welfare of the masses, but rather for the exploitation and degradation of the natural milieu therein. The rights of natives over these forest resources were limited to certain activities, such as limited grazing, cutting grasses for home consumption only, collecting dry or fallen wood for fuel, and wood for agricultural implements with the sanction of the forest officer.[34]

Natives were not happy with this interference. In 1861-62, cultivation in Patli Dun was put to a stop by assigning lands to the people of Bhabar, and cattle stations were removed from the reserved forests. Roads were constructed and forests were made accessible. The railway stations of Ramnagar, Dhampur, and Nagina were to be used for the import of forest goods.[35] Officials insisted on marking the previously felled trees.  Already felled trees by the old contractors were exported and sold.[36]

Also, it is important to mention that besides commercial cropping and timber extraction, mining was also initiated by the colonialists. However, mining was not a successful affair in this region for the British. Various ventures were taken in order to extract, but not much success was found specifically in the Garhwal region. Pokhri Copper mines in Garhwal were established for the purpose and works were carried out from 1838 to 1841. This proved to be a costly affair as the government had to bear the loss of Rs. 7,384. The main cause of this failure was ascertained to be the poor quality of ores,[37] and the absence of fuel in the vicinity for smelting purposes. Likewise, the transport system for the export of those minerals was also a huge problem in the region.[38]

The economy of the region, as reflected in Pauw’s settlement report, was not very good in those times. In fact, subsistence cultivation and extraction of forest wood and other produce were the only means of sustenance for the natives. Moreover, due to the region being prone to natural catastrophes, no industries could be set up here. Thus, these two means besides migration to other regions of the country for employment opportunities were the only choices that the indigenous people had. After seize by the Raj, they increased their exploitation here. The region was not endowed with fertile and even plain land but was certainly rich in forest cover. Thus, the regime took it as an opportunity and began the exploitation process right after the implementation of the first forest Act of 1865. Due to limited means of revenue, the Raj had indiscriminately exploited the natural resources. Commercial cropping of tea, hops, chestnut, and other alien seeds was promoted. The soil which is shallow and less fertile in the hilly regions did not support their growth. Thus, it led to the failure of the crops and also loss of fertility in the long run. Moreover, forests were cut off at a huge scale and this led to deforestation in the region. It led to the large-scale degradation of natural resources. Even in present times, people are facing the consequences of the past times. landholdings are small and even those are not much fertile, thus extensive cropping is impossible here. Many regions which became naked due to deforestation are facing a dearth of greenery in the surrounding. In an interview with the people of Simalana Malla of Pauri Garhwal district[39], it was found that due to unnecessary felling of timber for commercial use in the past times, has resulted in landslides as the soil became loose. Also, the wild shrubs are growing which does not let other plants grow and thus the land could not produce much grass for cattle and people had to go far for this purpose.[40] Thus, it is found that the past activities had definitely altered the ecology of the region[41], and the people in present times are still facing the consequence. Thus, it is suggested that along with national policies for the safety of depleting resources, local community programmes such as Van Panchayat must be given impetus for the preservation and protection of the natural resources of the region. Moreover, the Chipko movement, and protests against the Tehri dam project, are some of the episodes of the past which testify that natives live in harmony with nature. The locales derive their means of sustenance from nature and have proved that the responsibility of its conservation must be kept in their hands only.

1. Information accessed from the official website of Garhwal Mandal from the section of ‘Welcome to Garhwal Division’ 2. Sati M.C & Sati, S.P, Uttarakhand Statehood, Indus Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2000, pp169-170 3. Mehta, G.S., Development of Uttarakhand, APH Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1999, pp7-9 4. Sankrtiyayan, Rahul, Garhwal- Parichaya, Allahabad Law Journal Press, Allahabad, 1953, p290 5. Uttarakhand: The State Profile, PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry, New Delhi, 2011, p8 6. Walton, H.G., British Garhwal: A Gazetteer Vol. XXXVI of the district gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Awadh. Government Press, Allahabad, 1910, p1 7. Atkinson. Edwin T., The Himalayan Gazetteer, Vol I. Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1881, p1. 8. Ibid, pp859-860 9. Tolia, R.S, British Kumaon-Garhwal: An Administrative History of a Non-Regulation Hill Province, Shree Almora Book Depot, Almora, 1994 10. Rawat, Ajay S., Garhwal Himalaya: A Study in Historical Perspective, Indus Publishing Company, Delhi, 2002 11. Pokhriyal, Ramesh, Those Horrific Days of Disaster, Diamond Pocket Books Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 2021 12. Kaur, Gurinder, Economic Growth, Climate Crisis and Natural Disasters, IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi, 2022 13. Crooke, William, The North-Western Provinces of India, The Asiatic Society of Bombay, Townhall, 1897, p13 14. Pauw, E.K, Report on the 10th Settlement of the Garhwal District, North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, Allahabad, 1896, pp55-56 15. Imperial Gazetteer, United Province, Meerut division, Government Press, United Provinces, Allahabad, 1905,p9 16. Agricultural Statistics of India, for the years, 1896-97 to 1900-1901, in Two Parts, I. British India II, Native States, pp144-145 17. Ibid, pp152-153 18. Agricultural Statistics of India, for the years, 1901-02 to 1905-06, in Two Volumes, I. British India II. Native States, Vol. I, pp168-169 19. Agricultural Statistics of India, for the years, 1904-05 to 1908-09, in Two Volumes, I. British India II. Native States, Vol. I, pp168-176 20. Walton, H.G., p37 21. Ibid p38 22. Walton, H.G, Dehradun, a Gazetteer, Vol. I, Government Press, Allahabad, 1911, pp58-59 23. Selections from the records of government, North-western provinces, Vol.II, 1866, pp102-108 24. Selections from the records of government, North-western provinces, Vol. VI, Government Press, Allahabad, 1874, p602 25. Walton, H.G, Garhwal Gazetteer, p22 26. Troup, R.S, The Work of Forest department in India, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, 1917, p18 27. Stebbing, Edward Percy, The Forests of India, Vol.I, John Lane the Bodley Head Limited, London, p195 28. Rao, V.S, One Hundred Years of India Forestry, Volume I, Manager of Publications, civil Lines, Dehradun, 1961, p109 29. Tolia, R.S, p92 30. Walton, H.G, Garhwal Gazetteer, pp10-11 31. Ibid p11 32. Trotter, H., Manual of Indian Forest Utilization, Oxford University Press, London, 1940, pp76-82 33. 100 years of forestry, p103 34. Walton, H.G, p18 35. Ibid, p15 36. Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, Vol. 1 part 2, p859 37. Atkinson, Edwin T, Himalayan Districts of North-Western Provinces of India, North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, Allahabad, 1882, pp261-263 38. Ibid, p266 39. Suman Devi Gaur- Village head, Simlana Malla village, Pauri Garhwal, Telephonic Interview (15 December, 2022) 40. Devendra Gaur, Simlana Malla village, Pauri Garhwal. Telephonic interview (18 December, 2022) 41. Sumitra Gaur, Simalana Malla village. Telephonic interview (20 December, 2022)