After the British acquired the Dewani over Bengal from the Mughals in 1765, they got the control over Sylhet and thus became close neighbours with the Khasis. Due to its location and climatic conditions, along with the natural resources and agricultural products of the Khasi hills, the British were attracted to the hills firstly for a sanatorium and later for a cantonment. This was achieved to an extent when David Scott signed an agreement with the Duwan Singh Syiem, the Raja of Sohra by which he received a portion of the Syiem’s territory east of Sohra in order to build quarters for the Company. This paper is based on an ongoing doctoral research and its content is extracted from actual chapters of the research.

The purpose of this study is to examine the history of state formation in the Khasi Hills of Meghalaya, with a focus on Hima Sohra (Cherrapunji), one of the current native states in the Khasi Hills.

Since the beginning of human civilisation, people in different parts of the world have been living some sort of organised life, having very tiny organisations that controlled their collective life. These organisations are similar in characteristics to today's states. But in the past, they were not called by the term 'state' but were referred to by different terms.  D.K. Sarmah[1] mentions that the Greeks called such organisations as 'Polis', the Romans called them 'Civitas’ and the Teutons used the term 'Status' to denote them. There is no specific definition of the word ‘state’ that is accepted by the entire community of scholars. Apparently, almost every scholar develops his or her own definition, which is always slightly different from the already existing ones, and some even form ‘schools’ with a similar approach. In this way it is practically impossible to reach a synthesis.[2]

State creation is the process by which a group of people move through different stages of social and economic development to become a political community. The rise of the state is something that has happened many times throughout the history of human civilization and it did not happen all at once but it is a multi-step process that happened at a certain point in the history of human society.[3]

In the course of researching the characteristics of modern states In his study, Bikhu Parekh[4] has outlined a number of traits, including the following: (1) The state does not change over space. It is identified with and claims proprietary jurisdiction over a specific territorial area (2) It is sovereign, which means that it is an autonomous source of all legal authority exercised within its territory no area of social life within its bounds is in principle immune to its jurisdiction (3) It is formally independent of society (4) It is a legal institution (5) It enjoys the monopoly on the authority to use physical force (6) The major institutions of the state are professed to be independent from one another; (7) Because it is an independent organisation, the state relies on its own institutional resources to carry out functions such as the upkeep of order and the punishment of criminals (8) It is built and managed from the top down, as would be expected of an organisation that began as an apparatus for ruling under absolute monarchy.

As can be seen from the preceding discussion, the state undergoes a process of slow and gradual evolution from a previously existing organisational form into a more developed and contemporary form of organisation. Therefore, the purpose of this work is to make an effort to investigate the pre-existing native Khasi state known as Hima Sohra as a state, based on the characteristic features listed above.

Evolution of a Khasi Native State or Hima

Among the Khasi-Jaiñtia of Meghalaya, the term ‘state’ can be loosely equated with the term Hima. It is also associated with a territorial entity.[5] Khasi tradition also suggests that “The state was founded on religion” and religion started within ka Kur.[6] Cromlyn Lyngdoh, a former Judge of the United Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills District Council, wrote in 1938:

 “A Khasi is a khasi because of his religion. It is the religion in the sense of his Niam which regulates all his thoughts and activities. Forget his religion and you will never understand a Khasi.”[7]

The Khasi state first emerged from a family where people belonging to one family from the same bloodline settled in one place, and in time this family intermingled with people from other villages or other clans, and thereafter this family grew into a Kur(clan) Just like in the Khasi family, there is a kñi (Maternal Uncle) who takes care of his sister and his sister's children, when the family develops into a kur, the eldest male member of the kur is elected as the kñi kur by all the people belonging to the same kur. He also acts as the representative in the village council in all matters concerning his kur.[8]

The Kur is the nucleus around which all social, cultural and political institutions revolve.[9] In the beginning, each clan would settle permanently in a certain area in a rudimentary form and form a village. Over time, such a village expanded mainly due to intermarriage with other clans from other villages by which the other clans begin to multiply in that village. Thus, in the course of time, none of the villages would consist of only one clan but a mixture of many.[10] The first or founding kur would then elect a wise male member who also has to be the eldest male member of the village as the ruler who would then assume the office of the Basan, who in this capacity would exercise enormous social, religious, political and administrative influence. The other kurs in the village could also elect their own representatives, who were called ki tymmen ki san, however, in a jointly founded village the smaller kurs could only elect tymmenshnong or headman. Apart from the Basan another important member of the village is a Lyngdoh, who is in charge of Ka Niam or religion.

With the growth of Kurs, Villages, Basan and Lyngdoh, and in the course of time, as a result of a mutual agreement among the leaders or Basan and Lyngdoh of the different villages, the Raid[11] was formed. This contract was perhaps, considered a necessity by the rulers of the different villages that they should arrive at an agreement to unite for better understanding, better administration and security from undesirable and external forces. The duty of the Raid is simply to look after the common welfare of the people and the Commune and to settle matters or problems which have not been settled by the Village Council. Therefore, it can be said that the Clan or Kur is the key factor in the organization of the Khasi political society.

The most important political feature in the Khasi society is the existence of the traditional polity called Hima under the administration of a Chief called Syiem. The Khasi Hima was generally but not universally formed by means of contractual agreement among the leaders of the different ruling clans who had already occupied the position of rulers of the different confederacies of villages. It was said that gradually with time all Communes finally decided to merge together to form one common political unit under the central authority of a Chief called Syiem, Lyngdoh, Wahadadar, Sirdar along with the elders or nobles of the State i.e., ki Bakhraw. In this way the office of the Khasi Chief called Syiemship, Lyngdohship, Wahadarship and Sirdarship came to be established along with the State Council called ka Dorbar Hima which stands at the apex of the other two Councils i.e., Dorbar Shnong and Dorbar Raid. The duty of such a Chief and the State Council is to look after the administration and welfare of the people within the territorial limits of the State or Hima as a whole.

Therefore, the preceding discourse highlights the significance of the family in the progression of State Formation. The family subsequently underwent a process of development, resulting in the establishment of a Clan. This, in turn, led to the formation of a Commune, which was further divided into various villages. Ultimately, this hierarchical progression culminated in the establishment of a State or Hima.

Hima Sohra state formation

Hima Sohra is one of the early states in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills of Meghalaya and the Hima has the Syiem as its head. It is pertinent to understand here that though the Khasi word syiem means king, the Syiem of any hima is not the king of that hima, merely its chief. Thus Hima Sohra is not a kingdom but a chieftainship.  Within the Hima Sohra, there is the Syiem, the Basans or the Bakhraws as the founding members[12] The Dorbar Syiem or the Dorbar Hima, which is the highest court, is led by the Syiem. He does legislative, executive, judicial, and religious work according to customs and traditions. The Syiem is the political leader of the Hima, which is made up of all the villages that make up its authority.

There is no land tax as the chief is only a democratic ruler but he does not have the right to impose land taxes on the people.[13] Khasi democracy was established in the Dorbar Raid of the communities and in the Dorbar Shnong or village Dorbar, headed by an elected chief. The will of the people is considered paramount in the Khasi political system. Syiemship or chieftaincy is a unique institution and a characteristic feature of Khasi states. There is a close relationship between the Syiem and his subjects, who address the Syiem as “Paiem” or “Father King”. In turn, the Syiem refer to their subjects as ki khun ki hajar or children.[14]

Hima Sohra consists of 99 villages, of which 26 villages are located in the highlands - Ri Phlang and the remaining 73 villages are located on the southern slopes of the Ri War area. In the Hima administrative system, a distinction is made between ka Shnong and ka Kyntoit. The term Shnong is used to refer to a village and it has always been considered as the smallest unit of organised human aggregation, but beyond a family or household. This unit has its own boundaries and territory with its own name for its own identity. The term Kyntoit generally refers to a part or a place within a village. It has a subordinate status to the village and has its own identity only within the village.[15] In the case of Hima Sohra, however, we find that the Kyntoit has an independent status in many respects and is not considered part or subordinate to the Shnong (village). Each Kyntoit has its own name and identity, and its inhabitants live similarly to those of a neighbouring Shnong. A number of Kyntoit (minimum 2 to maximum 9) have been grouped together and placed under a headman or Sirdar, while each Kyntoit has its own Tymmen Shnong.

The original inhabitants of the village are called Trai Shnong and they are divided into two categories: (i) Nongseng Shnong (earlier settlers in the village) and (ii) Shongthap (later settlers in the village). The term ‘Shongthap’ refers to a group who migrate to the place because of marriage or trade purposes.[14]

The Tymmen Shnong, as the administrator of the Kyntoit, maintains law and order in his jurisdiction and settles disputes between the residents of the area. However, if one of the disputing parties is not satisfied with the arbitration, the case goes to the Sordar Shnong or Headman. If the Sordar Shnong is not satisfied with the case, the appeal must go to the Syiem for a final decision.[17] Sohra follows the concept of hierarchy and the principle of unity within the Dorbar Hima, which is evident in the accountability of the administrator at the lower level to the administration of the administrator immediately below, which is strengthened by giving the former the power to receive appeals against the decision of the latter.

Formation of Hima Sohra          

When examining the growth and development of Sohra as a State, it becomes challenging to ascertain the exact timeframe of its emergence. The establishment of Sohra State is a complex process that poses challenges in determining the exact time and method of its formation. One potential explanation for this phenomenon can be derived from oral narratives.

Before the formation of Hima Sohra, Sohra was governed through a dual rule by the Syiem-Lieh and the Syiem-Iong who were based in Sohra (their residence is still located in Khliehshnong Sohra near the market place in present time) and who also had control over the Sohrarim and Mawmluh regions.[18]

Prior to the formation of the Hima Sohra, a conflict emerge between the three chiefs of the Hima Shillong, namely Basan Nongumlong, and Basan Nongkseh, against Basan Swer. The conflict culminated in the burning of Iingsad Iingsunon[19] located in Nongkseh. The Basan of Nongkseh and Basan Nongumlong emerged victorious over Basan Swer, leading to the displacement of Basan Swer to Sohra,[20] which was formerly referred to as Sohrarim. Basan Swer was accompanied by u Buhsing, as well as his sisters ka Jah and ka Shan. At this juncture, Basan Swer's dominion was curtailed, as Raid Khatarblang was confiscated from him, thereby leaving him with control over Raid Khatarshnong solely[21]. Hurt by the humiliation Basan Swer and Buhsing decided that it was better for them to leave Hima Shillong and start a new Hima in the southern slopes of the Khasi hills. The people of Khatarshnong on hearing the humiliation faced by Buhsing and Basan Swer pledged allegiance to support and protect them whatever the cause may be. Buhsing on hearing this was moved and promised that they will form their own Hima.

After staying here for quite some time Buhsing then shifted to Mawmang. On reaching Mawmang, Buhsing, Basan Swer and Khatarshnong started ka niam im where they offered  prayers to the God and sacrifice a goat called lang ksan rngiew. This was done so that the gods will protect Buhsing and give him a long life.

It was in Mawmang that the preliminary stage of state formation started where after prayers and sacrifices were offered the idea of forming their own Hima culminated from that day on. The people of Mawmang played a very important role in regard to the formation of Hima Sohra especially when it comes to the rituals of the Hima. It was said that the Syiem would seek prayers and sacrifices from the people of Mawmang before he would go to war or to raid the neighbouring Himas.

During their stay in Sohrarim, the Syiem Lailyngka of Hima Khadsawphra initiated a conflict, resulting in their retreat to Mawphu and Nongsteng for concealment.[22] Upon learning of the situation, Syiem Laitlyngka proceeded towards Nongsteng. However, he was refused entry as Nongsteng had made a commitment to safeguard Buhsingh and Basan Swer from him. This led to a prolonged and intense conflict between Nongsteng and Syiem Laitlyngka, lasting upto several months. Eventually, Syiem Laitlyngka conceded defeat and returned to Sohrarim. Following the war, Buhsing relocated to Kyntursniang, which was now known as Arwah.[23] Buhsing and the Khadarshnong community convened the first general assembly, known as the Dorbar and during this assembly, the Dorbar made a decision to establish a leadership position, known as the Syiem. Buhsing was elected as the Syiem and a council of Myntris was also elected.[24] This council consisted of representatives from both the Raid Khatarshnong and the Raid Swer. The Dorbar selected twelve clans to serve as his Myntri in the Hima, including Nongrum, Diengdoh, Khongwir, Shrieh, Marboh, Tham, Nongtraw, Majaw, Umdor, Dohling, Mawdkhap, and Sohkhia. Subsequently, Kharngapkynta and Nongtariang replaced Sohkhia and Marboh.[25]

Myntri Nongrum was designated as "u Kñi Niam" to serve as the priest for conducting rituals for the Syiem and the coronation of the Chief. Myntri Diengdoh was appointed as "Basan Raid" to assist the Syiem in overseeing the administration and ensuring the efficient functioning of the Hima. Myntri Khongwir was assigned the role of "Lyngskor" and was responsible for leading the army during times of war. Myntri Shrieh, also known as Basan Kher, and Myntri Majaw were responsible for overseeing the management of Khatarshnong. The first Syiemsad of Hima Sohra was ka Shan, who is the sister of Buhsing and the mother of Borsing. The Iingsad or Iingniam was initially erected in Nonglba.[26]

The lack of documented history renders it difficult to ascertain the precise details regarding the origins and development of the Khasi Himas. A significant portion of our knowledge regarding them has been transmitted through the medium of oral tradition, specifically in the form of folktales, legends, and songs. Consequently, oral narratives have emerged as the sole information source that historians and scholars must depend on to track and comprehend the development of Khasi Himas. In this context, this study has attempted to examine the progression of an indigenous State or Chiefdom of Sohra from its rudimentary configurations to its institutionalized structure.

As mentioned earlier, the primary aim of this paper is to analyse the process of state formation in Hima Sohra, utilising the criteria outlined by Bikhu Parekh. Based on the preceding discourse, it can be discerned that Hima Sohra exhibits certain attributes outlined by Parekh that qualify a political entity to be regarded as a State. To emphasise, the Khasi native state possesses a well-defined geographical demarcation and operates as a legally established entity that enjoys recognition from both the populace and the Autonomous District Council of the Khasi Hills. The State relies on its internal resources for generating state revenue and ensuring the maintenance of law and order throughout its jurisdiction. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the emergence of Sohra as a distinct political entity can be attributed to the civil war fought between Basan Swer against Basan Nongkseh and Basan Nongumlong. This process has played a significant role in the formation of a new State or Hima. Presently, Hima Sohra holds significant prominence as one of the foremost Khasi States and persists in its existence under the governance of the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council.

1. D.K. Sarmah, Political Science, Vol. 1. New Age International Publishers.New Delhi: 1997, p 24

2. Henry J.M. Claessen, Peter Skalnik (ed.), The Early State, Mouton Publishers, The Hague, 1978, p 4.

3. Gordon V. Childe, The Urban Revolution (1950), In Gregory L. Possehl (ed.) Ancient Cities of the Indus, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1979, p. 12-17.

4. Bikhu Parekh, “The Nature of the Modern State”, in D.L. Seth and Nandi, Ashis (eds.), The Multiverse of Democracy, Sage Publication, New Delhi, 1996, p. 41- 42.

5. Surajit Sinha, (ed.), Tribal Polities and State Systems in Pre-Colonial Eastern and North Eastern India, K.P.Bagchi& Company, Calcutta, 1987. p. 83

6. Helen Giri, The Khasis under British Rule,(1824-1947), Regency Publications, New Delhi, 1998.p 16

7. Ibid

8. “The maternal uncle or U kni is the spiritual and moral leader for his sister's children and even cares for them. He is the centre of authority and economy, the fulcrum around which the family revolves, a highly revered figure of enormous importance to whom the decisive and unfettered role of authority is exclusive. The role and responsibility of the maternal uncle towards his mothers is linked to his economic duties, as he holds the power and control over the assets of the lineage, while the women are merely administrators and trustees of these assets”

9. Helen Giri, op.cit. p. 18.

10. Ibid.

11. Cluster of villages coming together under one chief.

12. Kynpham Singh, “Syiems and Durbars in Khasi Polity” in S.K. Chattopadhyay, (ed.),Tribal Institutions of Meghalaya, Spectrum Publications, Guwahati, 1985, p. 14,15.

13. Ibid.

14. Mary Pristilla Rina Lyngdoh, The Festivals in the History and Culture of the Khasi (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd, n.d), p. 34-37.

15. A.K. Nongkynrih, Khasi Society of Meghalaya: A Sociological Understanding, Indus Publishing Company, New Delhi, 2002. p. 83-85.

16. Kynpham Singh Nongkynrih, op.cit. p.19

17. A.K. Nongkynrih, op.cit p 83-85.

18. Interview with Nangsanbor Wahlang, at Sohra on 6th – 14th May 2016, Nangsanbor Wahlang was born and brought up in Nongsawlia Sohra. He had just completed his BD (Bachelor of Divinity) from John Roberts Theological College, Mawklot, in the year 2016 and at present he is working as a worship pastor in Nongsawlia Presbyterian Church.

19. Ka Sad Ka Sunon" is the real power behind his seat of power. The Khasi theory "Ka Sad Ka Sunon" of sovereignty rests with "Ka Sad Ka Sunon" and not with the ruling Syiem. This stands for the ruling Syiem, the elders of the State and the citizens of the State.

20. HomiwellLyngdoh, Ki Syiem Khasi bad Synteng(Laitumkhrah: Desmond P. Reade Diengdoh, 2003), 115-116.

21. Ibid

22. Interview with Kynpham Kharshandy Headman of Mawphu, in the year 2019

23. Interview with Eligus. Sawian, Executive Member of Hima Sohra, Sohra, Meghalaya. 10 May 2017.

24. Interview with Bah Nangsanbor Wahlang. opcit

25. B.V. Rymmai, Ka Khanatang jong ka Hima Sohra, Scorpio Printing Press Shillong, 1995. p. 5.

26. Ibid