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Cross-region Marriage and Marginalization of Women: An Analysis |
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Paper Id :
18276 Submission Date :
2023-10-11 Acceptance Date :
2023-10-19 Publication Date :
2023-10-24
This is an open-access research paper/article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.10391045 For verification of this paper, please visit on
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Abstract |
Owing to its longstanding gender disparity and skewed sex ratios, the
matrimonial landscape of Haryana is witnessing an unusual phenomenon of ‘male
marriage squeeze’, i.e. the presence of relatively less marriageable females
vis-a-vis males in marriage cohorts. In order to address this shortage of
brides, non-customary cross-region marriages are being resorted to, whereby men
can be seen marrying (or purchasing) women from impoverished rural regions of
eastern and southern India. In these matrimonial alliances is found grave
marginalization of the incoming brides. While some fortunate brides have been
internalized within conjugal families and they are happy (even though the challenges
of adjustment that they face are mammoth); parallely exist another reality of
their less fortunate counterparts who contend discrimination, subjugation and
violence everyday. Numerous incidents have come to light where cross-region
brides have either been trafficked or coerced into marriages, denied basic
rights, sold and purchased like a commodity and treated as a servant from whom
servitude and subservience is commanded. This research article, based on the
fieldwork conducted in six villages of Haryana, reflects upon
physical-emotional-sexual abuses and extreme intersectional marginalization
perpetrated against cross-region brides in their conjugal settings. |
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Keywords | Male Marriage Squeeze, Trafficked Brides, Domestic Violence, Discrimination and Forced Polyandry. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Introduction | Haryana, a
northern state of India that is renowned on the one hand for its unparalleled and
massive economic growth, happens to be equally infamous on the other for its
longstanding gender discrimination and devaluation of fairer sex which is
manifested in its appalling sex ratio and child sex ratio counts. One of the
grave ramifications of decades of female deficits (owing abhorrent practices of
female feticide and female infanticide) is that their proportion within the
marriage cohorts has substantially reduced in comparison to their male
counterparts, thus ensuing the crisis of ‘male marriage squeeze’ (Kaur, 2004;
Mishra, 2013; Mukherjee, 2013). Marriage squeeze is a complex situation of one
sex outnumbering the other in a matrimonial context due to which it becomes
difficult for the preponderant sex to secure suitable companions (Akers, 1967;
Verma, 2003). It has left a substantial number of socio-economically
disadvantaged men in rural Haryana at the altar of involuntary bachelorhood. Male marriage
squeeze can be attributed to various demographic and socio-cultural
determinants. Demographically, a sheer look at the state's perpetually low sex
ratios over the decades suggests that a culture of son preference and daughter
aversion is deep-seated in the society. The sex ratio counts of the state for
the years 1991, 2001 and 2011 have been found to be 865, 861 and 877,
respectively, which is awfully low. While sons are desired for their economic,
socio-cultural and religious value, daughters deemed as liability are often
subjected to immense discrimination and inhuman treatment which ranges from denial
of food and nutrition, education, medical aid, affection etc. to their brutal
elimination via female feticide and infanticide (Das Gupta, 1987; Miller, 1997;
Clark, 2000). As a result, relatively fewer girls are born in the population
which makes the sex ratios increasingly skewed and creates an imbalance in the
proportion of potential mates with males outnumbering females (Ahlawat, 2016;
Kaur, 2016). Socio-culturally, the customary norms of marriage such as endogamy
(marrying within the specific groups), exogamy (marrying outside specific
groups) and hypergamy (women marrying in higher social groups) further
aggravates male marriage squeeze as these prescriptive and proscriptive rules
of mate selection place numerous caste, gotra and territorial confines on
matrimonial choices, making it extremely difficult for men to find local
brides. Along with the afore-mentioned demographic factors and prescriptive and
proscriptive considerations of mate selection, there are other socio-economic
parameters and individual inadequacies of men which render them undesirable in
the local matrimonial context and significantly influence their marital
prospects such as their low educational level, unemployment, low income, lack
of property and assets, alcohol addiction and drug abuse, being over age,
divorced, deserted or widowed, having poor character and criminal backgrounds,
etc (Kaur, 2004; Ahlawat, 2009; Kukreja and Kumar 2013). Men like these,
having failed to meet the desired criteria, find it challenging to get married
into a community sanctioned conventional marriage. The proportion
of unmarried men is very high in Haryana. Statistically speaking, the Census
enumerations of 2011 revealed that the percentage of never-married males within
the age group of 25-49 years was 9.93 in rural Haryana. The proportion of
never-married females on the other hand was found to be only 1.25 percent in
the given age group. During fieldwork also it came to light that at least ten
to fifteen percent of males in the surveyed villages were unmarried in the peak
marriageable ages of 28-40 years, and a further increase in this proportion is
much more likely if the sex ratios continue to be low, since with every passing
year more and more unmarried men will be added to the already existing strained
cohorts. It has been projected that between 2020 to 2080 about 40 million
additional men in India won’t be able to get married (Guilmoto, 2012). Given
the vitality of the institution of marriage for procreation and propagation of
family lineage, and, the fact that women are indispensable in the households to
carry out various productive, reproductive and care giving functions (Kaur,
2004; Chowdhry, 2005; Ahlawat, 2009); the shortage of local marriageable girls
in Haryana is being dealt through ‘cross-region marriages’ where disadvantaged
men are bringing in (either by marriage or purchase) complete cultural
strangers as brides from distant and economically impoverished eastern or
southern states of the country such as Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Kerala,
Odisha, West Bengal, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh etc (Kaur, 2004; Ahlawat, 2009;
Chaudhry & Mohan, 2011; Kukreja and Kumar 2013; Mishra, 2013; Chaudhry,
2016). |
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Objective of study | The present research article aims to analyze various forms of
marginalization and violence perpetrated against cross-region brides in their
conjugal settings i.e. (rural) Haryana; and suggest measures for improving the
condition of such victimized brides. |
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Review of Literature | Though the migration (and trafficking) of women from
distant regions for the purpose of marriage into the villages of Punjab and
Haryana did find mention in a report published by Pandey and Kant in the year
2003, it was in 2004 that the term ‘across-region marriage’ was coined to
describe these unconventional inter-state marriages by Ravinder Kaur in her
pioneer work titled ‘Across-Region Marriages: Poverty, Female Migration and
Sex ratio’. From then on numerous studies have been conducted to
comprehensively analyze cross-region marriages (Blanchet, 2005; Chowdhry, 2005;
Ahlawat, 2009; Chaudhry & Mohan, 2011; Kukreja and Kumar 2013; Mishra, 2013;
Chaudhry, 2016; Singh, Parihar and Devi, 2018); each offering a novel
interpretation of the phenomenon. While some researchers have labeled these
marriages to be cases of ‘bride-trafficking’ (Pandey and Kant, 2003), ‘purchase
of women’ (Blanchet, 2005; Chowdhry,
2005) or ‘bride-buying’ (Singh, Parihar and Devi, 2018); for some these
represent a ‘new form of commercially mediated marriages involving payment to middlemen/go-between’ (Chaudhry
& Mohan, 2011; Chaudhary, 2016). Studies show that a large proportion of cross-region
marriages are actually arranged through chain marriage migration, wherein, the
brides themselves serve as marriage mediators and arrange matrimonial alliances
of their female relatives with needy Haryanvi men in search of potential mates
(Kaur 2004; Kukreja and Kumar, 2013; Mishra, 2013). In some of the cases these
brides do so in exchange for money. The male conjugal kin of the brides such as
their husband, father-in-law or brother-in-law make another set of key agents
who negotiate marriages (Kukreja and Kumar, 2013). While some of them do it for
free and primarily for their kin, others take commission. A relatively small
proportion of these marriages are mediated with the help of truck/bus drivers
traveling to source regions and migrant laborers working in Haryana (Kukreja
and Kumar, 2013; Mishra, 2013; Singh, Parihar and Devi, 2018; Field analysis).
The grooms pay them mostly in cash for their help/service. Parents taking money
in exchange for their daughters has also been seen in several cases. Along with
that incidents of bride trafficking have also been reported in Haryana (Kukreja
and Kumar, 2013; Singh, Parihar and Devi, 2018). Out-marrying isn’t a new phenomenon in Haryana as men
(especially from among Jats) have often had marriages with women hailing
from neighboring states, however, such marriages are not limited to any one or
two caste groups but are happening in most caste groups and also the marital
distance which earlier sprang till border areas of neighboring states of UP or
Rajasthan has now expanded thousands of kilometers to far off eastern, western
or central states of the country (Chowdhry,1994; Kaur, 2008; Ahlawat, 2009).
Along with that, these external women not only are from different castes
(primarily lower) but in some cases even their religious backgrounds and
beliefs are different (Kaur, 2004; Chowdhry, 2005; Ahlawat, 2009; Mishra,
2013). These marriages are driven by necessity for both the source
(bride-sending) and destination (bride-receiving) regions. In the
bride-receiving regions i.e., rural Haryana, cross-region marriages are being
resorted because women are indispensable for procreation, perpetuation of
lineage and performing household chores, agricultural labor and caregiving; in
the bride-sending regions, it has been found that the families of the incoming
women are extremely poor and can’t afford to marry their daughters locally
(Kaur, 2004; Chowdhry, 2005; Ahlawat, 2009; Kukreja and Kumar, 2013; Mishra,
2013; Parihar, Singh and Devi, 2018). A suitable local match would require a
well-organized wedding ceremony and substantial dowry for the groom that these
impoverished families can’t cater. Thus, when Haryanvi men arrive at their
regions with ‘no-dowry-needed’ and ‘all-wedding-expenses-paid-off’ matrimonial
proposals, the poor parents and relatives readily agree to marry their
daughters across long distances as it allows them to discharge their social
obligation that too without incurring any cost.
Cross-region marriages entail enormous challenges for the
incoming women who find themselves in an alien socio-cultural setting where
they have nothing in common with their husbands. On the one hand, the brides
get stripped of their well-acquainted physical, social and cultural moorings in
which they were born and raised, and on the other they are required to adapt
altogether new customs, traditions, behavioral norms, language, food habits and
way of life in their marital homes (Chowdhry, 2005; Ahlawat, 2009; Kaur, 2016).
Communication barriers owing language differences, shifts in diet from rice to
wheat as staple and non-vegetarian to vegetarian meals, strenuous chores,
restricted mobility, custom of veil, loneliness etc. are some of the common
difficulties faced by these women while trying to adjust and exist in distinct
conjugal milieus (Ahlawat, 2009; Kukreja and Kumar, 2013; Mishra, 2013). In the
more recent literature on cross-region marriages it has come to light that not
only do the brides have to contend the afore-mentioned challenges in their marital
homes and host society, some are being subjected to various forms of
marginalization, discrimination and domestic violence (Kukreja & Kumar,
2013; Yudhvir, 2014; Ahlawat, 2016; Kaur, 2016; Parihar, 2018; Upadhyay, 2020).
Conjugality has become a harrowing reality for several cross-region brides.
They are denied respectable status and dignified living conditions. They are
exploited, mistreated and abused on a daily basis. Subservience and hard labor
is commanded from them (Ahlawat, 2016). Some are victims of racial
stigmatization and caste discrimination too (Kukreja & Kumar, 2013). They
face sexual abuse at the hands of their husband and other men in the conjugal
family, and are forced into polyandry (Yudhvir, 2014). The conjugal families do
not give them any recognition and they are forced to live on the sidelines in
the khet (fields) (Chowdhry, 2005). They are also refrained from
visiting their natal families or maintain any contact whatsoever with their kin
and are subjected to exploitation of all sorts (Ibid.). Upadhyay (2020)
maintained that the role of these brides range from “sexual slavery to
performing hard labor all day, suffering physical and verbal abuse and living a
life at the mercy of the men and/or their families who have ‘bought’ them”. The
ill-treatment received by cross-region brides in their marital homes is a
matter of grave concern which needs to be strongly addressed and the present
study is an attempt in that direction. |
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Methodology | The present study has been carried out in rural Haryana using
exploratory and descriptive research designs. To address the research problem
comprehensively and situate it in an appropriate framework, both primary and
secondary data have been amply utilized. While primary information has been
obtained with the help of interview technique and personal narratives;
secondary data has largely been drawn from different books, project reports,
journals, research articles, newspapers etc. |
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Sampling |
Fieldwork was conducted in two districts of Haryana,
namely, Rohtak and Sonipat that were randomly chosen as research settings via
lottery method. Three villages each were purposively selected from these
districts for the purpose of data collection. The villages taken from Rohtak
district were Karountha, Kharainti and Kharkara and those from Sonipat
districts were Aanwali, Gorar and Sisana. At last, extensive data on
seventy-two cross-region brides was gathered from these six villages through
detailed interviews (conducted using a comprehensive interview guide) and
engaging personal narratives. Since there exists no statistical information on
cross-region marriages, a sampling frame was unavailable and hence, snowball or
referral sampling method made a befitting choice to identify and select the
sample for the study. Analysis revealed that of the seventy-two cross-region
brides, twenty-four were subjected to extreme forms of marginalization and
abuse in their marital homes and the present paper centers around the
distressing experiences of these twenty-four victim brides. The tabular presentation
of the selected sample is as follows. Table 1.1: District and Village wise distribution of
respondents
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Tools Used | Interview and personal narratives. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Result and Discussion |
Cross-region marriages in Haryana are becoming
increasingly common. In some of the villages one can find up to fifty-sixty
cross-region brides or even more. Based on the extensive fieldwork carried down
in six villages of Haryana, it was found that while some of the cross-region
brides can be seen being accepted and incorporated within their marital homes
and larger community, correspondingly exist their less fortunate counterparts
who are vulnerable and live with zero autonomy. Their struggles do not only comprise
adapting to the social, cultural, behavioral and linguistic dissimilarities of
their conjugal homes but they also have to endure subjugation, discrimination
and domestic abuse. All the twenty-four brides revealed they were facing a
regime of extreme violence at the hands of their husbands and other members of
the conjugal family i.e. mother-in-law, father-in-law, brother-in-law etc.
Ill-treatment against them ranges from volley of derogatory verbal remarks,
physical abuse, sexual coercion, polyandry, strenuous domestic and farm labor,
and restricted movement. A detailed analysis of their perturbing experiences is
presented below: Physical Abuse Domestic violence, i.e., violence at home happens to be the most cruel manifestation of violence that is experienced by any woman. The very house that should be her safe harbor becomes the most unsafe and her own people who are supposed to protect her against all ills perpetrate endless atrocities instead. This has been found true in the case of cross-region marriages as well. All the twenty-four cross-region brides (as indicated in Table 1.2) lamented being subjected to recurrent physical assaults by their husbands, mother-in-law’s and other family members over trivial issues. Table 1.2: Distribution of respondents based on physical
abuse
Slapping, punching, shoving, kicking, arm twisting,
things thrown at, being dragged by hair etc. were some of the common forms of
physical abuse directed against them with the intent to cause harm and
ascertain their subordination. As far as the frequency of assaults is
concerned, they were bashed as frequently as over a week or two and at times on
consecutive days too. Eight of the brides further stated to have experienced
merciless beatings even during their pregnancies, causing miscarriages. The
reasons behind the battering varied from non-compliance, misbehavior, failure
to understand and learn Haryanvi dialect, inability to cook Haryanvi food to
any refusal to do chores and lapse in the customary practice of ‘veil’.
Excessive alcohol consumption, lack of proper employment and bad mouthing by
mother-in-law or sister-in-law were noted as crucial triggers for aggressive
and violent behavior of the husbands. As many as eighteen of the brides
mentioned that their husbands were chronic alcoholics who under the influence
of alcohol would easily get instigated and beat them. Sexual Abuse Physical violence is not the only form of violence faced
by cross-region brides at their conjugal homes. They encounter sexual abuse on
regular basis too. The brides complained of having no sexual autonomy
whatsoever and that they were frequently forced to have sex by their intimate
partner. Table 1.3: Distribution of respondents based on sexual
abuse
As Table 1.3
indicates, nineteen of the brides stated that their husbands often impose on
them sexually. Also, any non-adherence and resistance on their part is met with
severe physical abuse and confinement. Three brides shared that their husbands
had coerced sexual intercourse with them even within the first week of
childbirth. Incidents like these not only reflect on the much evaded issue of
‘rape within marriage’ but also have significant bearing on the physical,
reproductive and mental health of the afflicted brides. Verbal and Emotional Abuse Verbal denigration and emotional abuse is found to be
quite endemic in cross-region marriages. The cross-region brides face
discrimination and are looked down upon for being an impoverished ‘outsider’.
All the interviewed brides (Table 1.4) complained that they were subjected to
verbal abuse and name calling not only by their conjugal kin but derogatory
remarks and pejoratives are often used for them within the community at
large. Table 1.4: Distribution of respondents based on verbal
and emotional abuse
While sharing
their ordeals the brides lamented that they were constantly reminded of the
fact that they belong to extremely poor families and impoverished regions where
they hardly had two square meals a day. They said that their in-laws and
husbands often make fun of their parents' abject poverty and inability to marry
them locally. In the case of trafficked brides and those who were brought after
direct payment to their parents or kin it was also discovered that their
husbands and in-laws everyday reminded them that they had been purchased and
hence they must comply. Most of the brides mentioned that their husbands and
in-law’s used foul language and racial slurs for them, humiliated them in front
of others and often made references about their dark complexion. All the brides
except one maintained that they never faced discrimination because of their low
caste statuses but were taunted for their dark skin, body odor and short
height. In three cases it was noted that the mother-in-law’s called their cross-region bahu’s ugly
and blamed them for deteriorating their genes.It was further found that these
women were deemed as ‘lesser brides’ by the community members and they were
pejoratively addressed as molki, paro, and Biharan. Forced
Polyandry In the field analysis it has come to light that in some
of the cross-region marriages forced polyandry is being surreptitiously
practiced. Two of the cross-region brides revealed that they were being forced
by their mother-in-law’s to cohabit with their other unmarried/widowed sons and
despite knowing everything their husbands never raised a single word of
objection. Also, any refusal on their part was met sternly. In two separate
cases, it was found that the fathers-in-law had attempted to violate the brides
and when they complained against them they were labeled as liars and thrashed
for being immoral. Table 1.5: Distribution of respondents based on forced
polyandry
It was observed that absence of support from natal
families exacerbated their vulnerability to coerced sexual cohabitation. Going
back to their native place is not an alternative available to the cross-region
brides owing to the stigma that such a move would beget and also because they
do not wish to become a financial burden on their already poor families. They
continue to bear inhuman treatment and submit to violence for their survival. Restrictions on
Movement and Social Interactions That numerous restrictions are imposed on cross-region
brides vis-a-vis their movement and social interactions in the conjugal
settings, is yet another finding which indicates towards discrimination and
marginalization of the brides. All the twenty-four respondents revealed that
they are confined to the house and agricultural fields. Also, their movements
are strictly monitored and constrained by their husbands, mothers-in-law and
other female relatives. Table 1.6: Distribution of respondents based on restrictions
imposed
Surveillance
and restrictions are the instruments that are primarily used by marital
families to thwart any attempts of escape made by cross-region brides and to
ascertain their complete subjugation. They are allowed to step out of the
house only for domestic chores like fetching water and wood, fodder for the
animals, to make cow dung cakes, dispose of household waste, farm operations
and cattle care. Eighteen of the cross-region brides lamented that they are not
allowed to meet, be friends with or talk to other women living in the
neighborhood. Their social circles are almost negligible which leaves them
extremely isolated in already straining conjugal settings. Sixteen of them
further added that they are not allowed to sit even in the courtyards of the house
or at the roof unless it is for household chores. Also these brides are not
taken to any family functions nor are they allowed to be part of the
festivities, marriage ceremonies or other celebrations that take place within
the village. Their local sisters-in-law on the contrary are never stopped from
taking part in such occasions. Strenuous
Domestic and Agricultural Labour Yet another disturbing revelation from the field analysis
is that cross-region brides in many cases are treated no more than bonded
servants from whom arduous labor is commanded. They are overburdened with
strenuous agricultural tasks and domestic responsibilities with no help from
their mother/sister-in-law’s or husbands. The marital journey of a cross-region
bride is a perpetual struggle. All the brides complained of being overworked.
They are woken up early and forced to work the entire day without any rest
in-between. At times after taxing labor all day long, they are even denied
proper food and nutrition. Table 1.7: Distribution of respondents based on strenuous
chores
The
cross-region brides can’t dare to say no for anything. Ten of them divulged
that whenever they refuse to work, they are starved for days altogether and
brutally bashed. The fact that they are sick, pregnant or have had
miscarriages/child-birth makes no difference to their conjugal kin. Some of
them aren’t even allowed postnatal rest to regain their health. Fifteen brides
revealed that they were forced to resume their domestic duties even before they
had completed ten days of child-birth. Also during the time of miscarriages and
pregnancies, these brides complained of not being looked after properly nor
given rest, food and health care. No Contact with
Natal Family Another revelation from the field is that restrictions on
cross-region brides are so stringent that even the nature of their ties with
natal kin is decided and regulated by their husbands or in-law’s. The
cross-region brides are not allowed to maintain any contact with their native
families whatsoever. Some of them never get to visit their parents or talk to
them once they enter Haryana. Of the twenty-four brides, seventeen lamented
that they have not visited their hometown ever since their weddings. Also, they
are not allowed to communicate with natal kin even telephonically. The
cross-region brides are forced to sever all ties with their parents and
siblings due to the fear that if taken to their native places they might never
return to haryana and also to avoid any trouble from their parents in case they
learn about their daughters ordeals. Some of them were not allowed to attend
even their parents' last rites. The cross-region brides complained of being
extremely lonely as they have no human company and consolation neither in the
conjugal region nor from their natal family. Table 1.8: Distribution of respondents based on contact
with natal kin
On the basis of above analysis it can be inferred that
various forms of coercion, constraint and violence constitute the lived reality
of several cross-region brides in rural Haryana. Their lives have become an
unrelenting string of tribulations. They are accorded fairly low status,
burdened with exhaustive chores and subjected to extreme violence. Their
marginalization can be attributed to a complex intersection of various factors
beginning with the very socio-cultural construction of gender which sees women
as inferior sex. The systemic inequalities manifested in the patriarchal
structures of society are used as an instrument to command their compliance and
subordination. In addition, their acute poverty, illiteracy, racial
characteristics, outsider (purchased) status and loosening of ties with their
natal family puts them in a vulnerable position. The negotiation power of a
woman in a marriage relies on her economic independence, literacy and
awareness, and support from natal family; all of which strengthens her position
and agency within the household (Ahlawat, 2016). In the case of cross-region
brides, the fact they are entirely dependent on their husbands, are uneducated,
have no awareness regarding their rights or legal provisions, and their natal
families are extremely poor which can hardly provide them any support; makes
them exposed to marginalization and increased violence. With no one to advocate
for them and fleeing not being an alternative, these brides have resigned to
their fate and have accepted a highly subservient life as their destined
existence. Resistance is rare.
The marginalization of cross-region brides is a sensitive
issue which requires interventions at various levels. First of all, the very
phenomenon of cross-region marriages must be acknowledged at both source and
receiving regions by the respective governments. Given the absence of
statistical data on these marriages, it is suggested that the concerned state
governments should conduct extensive surveys in their state to establish a
comprehensive database on such matrimonial alliances. Also, while carrying out
the survey detailed information must be gathered on the age of the brides, the
modes via which these marriages are arranged and the gendered nature of
violence that unfortunately several of these women experience in their alien
conjugal settings; and policies must accordingly be formulated for their
protection. Further, it needs to be ensured that cross-region marriages are
duly registered to enable the distressed brides to seek justice in times of
abuse and adversity. Campaigns and awareness drives pertaining to gender rights
and various legislations relating to women are equally important. Along with
that what needs to be strongly addressed is the lack of sensitivity of the parents/kin
and their indifference towards the wellbeing of their own daughters. Such
parents or kin who indulge in the heinous crime of selling their daughters and
other female relatives need to be strictly punished. In addition, the vigilant
role of gram panchayats, anganwadi workers and NGO’s
(non-governmental organizations) would remain crucial in alleviating the
marginalization of cross-region brides and curbing the menace of bride
trafficking. While at the native places of the brides, these entities can aim
at preventing trafficking and illegal sale-purchase of daughters/girls; at the
conjugal regions these can serve to ease the adjustment and incorporation of
cross-region brides and effectively address their grievances. Further, bride
trafficking must be brought within the purview of anti-trafficking
legislations. Above all, a paradigm shift in the patriarchal mindset is vitally
important. |
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Conclusion |
Over the
last two decades, rural areas of Haryana have witnessed an unparalleled rise in
the incidence of cross-region marriages. Though in the wake of necessity these
non-customary marriages seem to have gained social acceptance but many of the
incoming brides are seldom conferred the same acceptance. For some, the
conjugal settings make distressing sites for discrimination, exploitation,
sexual oppression and domestic abuse. They have to deal with extreme
marginalization on an everyday basis and are often denied basic rights,
respect, food, health care and human company. They are sadly relegated to the
status of servants from whom grueling labor is commanded. Their marginalization
primarily stems from their vulnerability which is a cumulative product of
illiteracy, impoverished backgrounds, lack of support from natal families and
the gendered nature of discrimination that is deep-seated in patriarchal
structures. The widespread intolerance exhibited towards them and the inhuman
treatment thus meted out is alarming and needs to be strongly addressed. In
order to eliminate the marginalization of cross-region brides and provide them
a dignified life, along with government interventions both the civil state and
society need to act together as only collective efforts can change human lives. |
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References | 1. Ahlawat, Neerja.
“The Dark Side of the Marriage Squeeze: Violence against Cross-region Brides in
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