Obligations take priority over rights in Gandhiji's notion of democracy. According to him, rights were followed as just a corollary to fully fulfilled responsibilities. Every person, according to him, was to behave as just a guardian for himself and his responsibility to others around him, whether in questions of political, economic, or social rights inside the community. Gandhiji recognized that violence may lead to further violence and hence was an inadequate remedy for the misuse of rights and obligations by individuals or individuals in the country. According to him, an informed, organized, and resolute public opinion was superior to serving as solutions to the adjustment problems in the forces at work in a society, while satyagraha was the most powerful weapon. Gandhi advocated for human rights throughout his life. Gandhi's fights, whether it be in South Africa, England, or India, were about the helpless, politically, economically, and socially. Gandhi initiated massive agitations in both South Africa and India against tyrannical colonizers to secure the freedom of any sections of such subject people. His Non-Cooperation Movement of the 1920s was about securing Muslim religious rights again for restoration of the Khilafat but it also was about opposing the Rowlett Act, which was intended to imprison Indians indefinitely without trial, and about trying to secure justice for victims of a Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Gandhi's countrywide initiatives included the struggle against poverty, caste inequalities like untouchability, and the advancement of women's rights. He inspired millions of oppressed people to stand up and rebel to secure their rights and protections. He was an inspiration to other leaders throughout the globe who battled for the rights of their fellow beings, especially Martin Luther King, Mandela Mandela, Julius Nyerere, and Bishops Desmond Tutu.

The research aimed to fulfill the following objectives:

1. To get details about Gandhian Human Rights Initiatives

2. To get an idea Gandhian Perspective on Duties and Rights

3. Read about Today's Political Importance of Gandhi

4. And in the last Gandhi's Evaluation.

The expulsion of Mohandas Gandhi from the train at Pietermaritzburg throughout South Africa for daring to make the journey with the first compartment. Surprisingly, several human rights activists and civil rights champions have studied the massive effect of the two identical incidents on humanity's protest to make sure full human rights to citizens as well as the strong urge of the nature of humanity to rise throughout revolt because once basic rights, as well as freedom, have been violated or denied. A brief study of these two occurrences reveals an incredible parallel in the peaceful assertion of the individual's right to life and equality, as well as the fundamental right of fellow humans not to be divided based on their race or color. (Thafna et al., 2017)

Aside from the training event, which gave Gandhi a taste of what was in store for him again in South India, there have been several episodes that revealed the dehumanizing face of untouchability as implemented by white authorities in South Africa. The first surprise came in court when he was requested to remove his turban. Soon after, he was sent to work in some kind of a neighboring province, the Transvaal. A black man traveling first grade in Transvaal before 1893 had been considered a felony, therefore Gandhi, the young lawyer, was requested to downgrade. 

Gandhi had been disembarked from the train at the city of Maritzburg, and the Indian businessmen of that town had come to comfort him the next morning. They consoled him by telling him about their trials and tribulations. (Abstract Proceeding, 2019) Gandhi boarded the train again in the evening and continued his journey without incident. But he had to go a long distance by stagecoach, and the conductor refused to let him seat inside. After a while, he would not let him sit on the coaching box outside anymore. "Sammy, you seat on this: I want to seat near the driver," the conductor stated, pointing to the dusty footboard of the coach. Gandhi shuddered with humiliation and terror, yet he refused to leave the box. The guy shouted and exerted his power to drag Mahatma down, but Mahatma held on to the box's brass bars and refused to let go. The passengers inside the carriage then yelled at the conductor and demanded that Gandhi be placed among them.

Gandhi exemplified all facets of both collective and individual endeavors for people's freedom from colonial control by emphasizing soul-power as opposed to the raw force of violence. Gandhiji's life-long fight symbolizes the constant battle between truth and falsehood, good and evil in people, organizations, communities, and countries. To Gandhiji, freedom was a never-ending search rather than a one-time event. (Gupta, 2019)To him, independence was a means to a goal of freedom and self-rule. His definition of swaraj extended well beyond simple political independence.

In his fight against colonialism, Gandhi rallied the unsuspecting indentured and afraid laborers of South Africa as well as the general population of India behind a single cause: Swaraj, which meant "not the purchase of jurisdiction by several, but the acquirement of the potential among the many to a government authority when it is abused." As a result, Gandhiji was a living personification of democracy at work. He understood better than anybody else, then or today, that parliamentary democracy is inextricably linked to social and economic democracy. Thus, the battle for the liberation of the people from the grind of starvation and unemployment, as well as the tyrannies like castes and faiths that formed bond-slaves of the oppressor and the downtrodden alike, came as logical consequences of his approach. (Gupta, 2016) He rebelled against the technological pattern that oppressed man and reduced him to the status of a powerless robot. He campaigned against segregation and discrimination because it exemplified cancer that ravaged India's social life. how the principle and aims worked are shown in table 1: -

Gandhi wrote in Young India before the Karachi Congress:

My ideal Swaraj has no differences based on race or religion. It is also not to be a monopoly of lettered people or moneyed guys. Liberation is to be for everyone, even farmers, but especially for the wounded, the blind, and the famished toiling millions."

This claim was immediately followed by a strong statement:

The Swaraj of my dreams is the Swaraj of the poor. You should be able to enjoy the essentials of life in the same way that kings and wealthy men do. However, you should be able to enjoy all of the regular luxuries that a wealthy person enjoys. (Neki, 2017) I do not doubt that Swaraj will not be Poorna Swaraj till these facilities are provided to you under it." A few days later, he elaborated on his vision of "Poorna Swaraj," or total freedom, as follows:

Poorna Swaraj and it is as much for the prince as it is for the peasant, as much more for the rich landowners as it is for the landless steering wheel of the soil, as much for Hindus as it is for Musselman, that much for Paris as well as Christians as it is for Jains, Jews, and Sikhs, irrespective of caste, creed, or social status. The sheer nature of the universe and the methods of achieving it - to which we have dedicated truth and nonviolence – prevents any prospect of that Swaraj being so much more for some than for others, becoming partial to some or prejudiced against others.

Treating other people as subhuman beings for any cause was the most heinous act against humanity and rejection of human rights. Denial of reality was an act of defiance against what constituted the center and mirror of global existence. (Mishra, 2020) Gandhi never tired of saying, "If the villages die, India perishes." Gandhi's worldview included three main pillars of democracy that would serve free living in the rural. He envisioned well-planned but modestly constructed residences for the locals, employing available resources to the greatest extent possible and via collaborative effort. According to him, communities should have clean roads and streets, as well as clean drinking water and a good degree of cleanliness. A village school centered on fundamental crafts should be established, along with a farm for vegetables, poultry, and horticulture. He placed a major focus on agriculture with village industries to meet the requirements of all able-bodied people for food, clothes, and housing, as well as to provide work. There would have been no social or religious boundaries in his vision of the village community, and each community member would have perfect equality and equal possibilities for development and success. (Kumar, 2014) The weak and minorities were to be given particular attention. Women were to have been liberated from their economic and social limitations." There must be no place for wealth concentration.

Gandhian Perspective on Duties and Rights

Adopting Gandhian techniques may turn one become a Gandhian. However, adhering to Gandhi's teachings qualifies one as a real Gandhian.

Gandhi advocated for human rights throughout his life. Gandhi's fights, whether it be in South Africa, England, or India, were about the helpless, politically, economically, and socially. Gandhi initiated massive agitations in both South Africa and India against tyrannical colonizers to secure the freedom of any sections of such subject people. His Non-Cooperation Movement of the 1920s was about securing Muslim religious rights again for restoration of the Khilafat but it also was about opposing the Rowlett Act, which was intended to imprison Indians indefinitely without trial, and about trying to secure justice for victims of a Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Gandhi's countrywide initiatives included the struggle against poverty, caste inequalities like untouchability, and the advancement of women's rights. He inspired millions of oppressed people to stand up and rebel to secure their rights and protections. He was an inspiration to other leaders throughout the globe who battled for the right of their fellow beings, especially Martin Luther King, Mandela Mandela, Julius Nyerere, and Bishops Desmond Tutu. (Jain, 2019)

However, because once Dr. Julian Huxley, a biochemist who started turning an internationalist who has become the first Director-General of the United Nations Institute of education and Scientific Organization (UNESCO), wrote to Gandhi through Jawaharlal seeking recommendations for the "theoretical basis for human rights," Gandhi's response was quite intriguing. He was disdainful of the rights debate as a whole.

In the run-up to the United Nations' adoption of the Convention on Human Rights, Dr. Huxley polled 150 eminent thinkers from around the world for their thoughts on "the utility of the universal mechanism of human rights as well as whether distinct perceptions of civil rights might be resolved into a single universal document. His letter was delivered to Nehru, who expressed sadness that he could not find the opportunity for any calm thinking or writing but pledged to convey that to Gandhi as Huxley had requested. (Rai, 2019)

Gandhi, too, was preoccupied. On May 25, 1947, he found time aboard a moving train. "I learned from my uneducated but prudent mom that all privileges to be rightfully deserved and preserved stemmed from deeds done well." As a result, we only have the right to survive if we fulfill our responsibilities as global citizens. From this one basic assertion, it may be possible to define man's and woman's tasks and associate every right to some corresponding responsibility that must first be accomplished. "Almost every right can be demonstrated to be a subversion hardly worth standing up for," Gandhi responded. Gandhi always prioritized obligations above rights, believing that only by doing one's duties could one defend the rights of others and that there was no other alternative.

During World War II, English novelist and politician H. G. Wells sought Gandhi's backing for his proposed charter of rights outlining war objectives. In a message to Wells, Gandhi suggested that he draught a 'cosmopolitan charter of obligations instead — a declaration of what people of the globe owe to each other.' "Your cable has arrived. I thoroughly read these five articles. You'll forgive me if I suggest you're on the wrong road. I am certain that I can create a greater constitution and bill of rights than you have. But will it be of any use? Who will be its protector? (Mendiratta, 2018) If you assume propaganda or popular education, you've started at the wrong end of the spectrum. "I recommend the proper path."

"Begin with a Declaration of Man's Duties, and I assure you that the rights will come as spring follows winter." I write from my experience. I started my life as a young person eager to establish my rights, only to learn that I had none - not over my wife. So, I started by finding and carrying out my responsibilities to my wife, children, friends, companions, and society, and I now realize that I have more rights than any living person I know. If this seems like a lofty assertion, Gandhi stated, "I don't know anybody who has more rights than I have."

Gandhi's ultimate dedication was to 'Ahimsa,' or nonviolence. He saw it as his primary responsibility. The primary tenet of my religion is nonviolence." It is also the final tenet of my religion, he remarked, explaining why he called off from the Non-Cooperation Movement instantly after the violent episodes in Chauri Chaura or Bombay (Mumbai). He was emphatic that rights can indeed be obtained by refusing to do tasks.

In his own words, Gandhi was battling an evil foreign force. Nonetheless, he was certain that the obligation of nonviolence, like any other civic and national duty, cannot be exempted. That is why he was present with the team of volunteers to support governments during times of conflict, sometimes as a regular army, as a civic obligation, and on other occasions to assist the army, as a national duty.

Gandhian methods may be contested, but Gandhian principles cannot. In his last address to the Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar advocated those measures such as "civil disobedience, non-cooperation, and satyagraha" be abandoned. Unfortunately, even when our government came to power, we continued to use Gandhi's techniques against a terrible foreign entity. And we just abandoned the concepts behind Gandhi's approach.

Mahatma was not present on December 10, 1948, when the Constitution and Bill of Rights were established. He was also not alive on January 26, 1950, whenever the Indian Constitution became established. Despite Gandhi's assertion, the Indian Constitution does not include a list of citizens' responsibilities at the period of its adoption. Fundamental rights were given precedence, as with the American Constitution, which also begins with the Bill of Rights. A series of Directive Principles have been incorporated as a 'State Policy' after significant consideration. (Pauly, 2018) During the notorious Emergency, Indira Gandhi's sole constructive action was to incorporate Article 51-A inside the Indian Constitution as part of a 42nd Amendment, which highlighted 10 Fundamental Duties of Citizens. They are, nevertheless, unjustifiable even now.

Adopting Gandhian practices, from attire to acts, may lead to one becoming a Gandhi disciple. However, adhering to Gandhi's teachings qualifies one as a real Gandhian.

Today's Political Importance of Gandhi

Gandhi was murdered on his approach to prayers on January 30, 1948, and was slain by three gunshots in his belly and chest. The teenage murderer was a zealous Hindu who had been influenced by Gandhi's attempts to bring Hindus and Muslims together in riot-torn new India. Over a year of bloodshed, Gandhi's fast restored peace in Calcutta and Bengal as a whole. Later, sensing an explosive scenario underneath the surface, Gandhi fasted for the final time in Delhi, restoring a peaceful environment. He was not universally adored for these and other similar activities. In Calcutta, a mob attacked his home, hurling a brick at him and swinging a heavy bamboo rod (lathi) at his head, these narrowly missing. (Chinu, 2019) During Gandhi's fast in Delhi, people outside his rooms chanted, "Let Gandhi die!" During afternoon prayers a week before his murder, a tiny homemade bomb was hurled at him from a neighboring garden.

With the three shots came to unpleasant fruit of the assassination of a prominent political figure. India and the rest of the globe were devastated. Both politicians and ordinary citizens felt a personal tragedy.

Many significant events have occurred in the years since that January day, including the death of Stalin, its Communist win in China, the advancement of the nuclear warhead and intercontinental ballistic missiles, the Hungarian Rebellion, the prosecution of Eichmann, the final stage of British and French colonization empires, Leader Kennedy's mass murder, as well as the "Negro Revolution" inside the United States, to name a few.

Is Gandhi still politically significant after such occurrences in a society where history moves so quickly? (Haward, 1951) How is Gandhi to be judged now, with the passage of time and the possibility of a more distant perspective? Is there anything we need to change about our previous decision?

Gandhi's Evaluation

Gandhi presents unique challenges in such an assessment for a Westerner, maybe, especially for an American. His peculiarities often get in the way, making it difficult to see past them or take other elements of his job seriously. Even for Western religious people, his continual use of religious terms, as well as theological language in explaining or justifying a social or political deed or policy sometimes, confuses rather than explains.

Most people's respect for him through labeling his "Mahatma" - the awesome one - creates a sort of immunity from taking him seriously. Since he's such a holy and saintly man, it is considered, that this is a complete account of his achievements; no more research is required. As a Mahatma, he may be adored while also being classified as one of those saints, prophets, and holy men whose lives and acts are seen to be mostly unimportant to ordinary men. (R and Menon, 2019)

Sometimes Gandhi's realistic assessments of himself because of his work are more appropriate than the assessments of several of his followers and homage-bearers. "I profess to be nothing more than an ordinary guy with anything less than average competence," he once wrote. Indeed, in some ways, this was very likely correct. He only traveled to Southern Africa after failing to become a barrister in India.

Representing the number of violations of human rights in recent years in table 2:-

He was also not happy with the adoration heaped on him, yet he appreciated true devotion. My Mahatma ship is meaningless, he once remarked, I have become weary of the thoughtless multitude's worship. I do not claim superhuman abilities. I don't want any. I am made of the same ethical issues surrounding flesh as the lowest of my fellow beings, and hence am as prone to error as any. (Baijayanti Ghosh, 2020)

There are further challenges in judging Gandhi. There have been several misrepresentations about Gandhi including his political views. These misstatements are not typically purposeful but are often produced by persons who have not done a thorough study of Gandhi's ideas on the subject at hand. It is commonly assumed, for example, that Gandhi would have agreed to Indian military intervention in Kashmiri, that he'd have agreed to Indian invasion in Goa, and that he would have backed India's current nuclear weapons development.

Such misrepresentations are perpetrated not just by Westerners, but even by educated Indians, who often think that since they are Indians, having read media accounts, and have debated Gandhi repeatedly, they know what they're talking about. Gandhi's skepticism regarding the level of comprehension of his nonviolence and ideals among Western-educated Indians has been confirmed. (Zinkin, 1966)

Part of the difficulty in comprehending Gandhi's thoughts on such issues stems from our desire to fit Mahatma into our customary categories. It is sometimes thought, for example, that he must meet the classic definition of a peacemaker or that he supports military action. Many people believe that when he argues the presence of political evil that must be fought, he has of necessity embraced violence.

Gandhi's attitude was evolving all the time, and earlier in his career, he did lend enhanced functionality to war. However, just at end of his life, this had changed. However, this did not imply that he favored passivity. As a result, although feeling the Allies were the superior side in World War II, he would not agree with the war. Similarly, in Kashmir, although feeling that Pakistan was the aggressor and that India ought to respond, he was opposed to military action.

Instead, he put his faith in the use of a nonviolent alternative method of combating political evil. In this role, he was continuously experimenting, and his promotion of the use of nonviolent action in crises was not always persuasive to hard-headed realists. (Bock, Majumdar and Mazumdar, 1968) This occasionally meant that, as in the case of Kashmir, he wasn't politically "effective." But it is not the same as saying he discarded his nonviolent ways.

As we will see later in greater detail, Gandhi's fundamental contribution was not merely to advocate for, but also to construct nonviolent ways of political struggle in contexts when war, as well as other types of government violence, were often utilized. His effort here was ground-breaking, if at times insufficient, although it was adequate to place him outside of the established classifications. Gandhi was hardly a conscientious objector nor an advocate of political violence. He was a pioneer in the concept of no-violence warfare.

Our effort to assess Gandhi is hampered by one more stumbling block. His politics are often considered to be the same as those of Nehru's independent Indian government. Despite Nehru's longstanding admiration for Gandhi and Gandhi's collaboration well with Indian National Congress throughout the lengthy campaign for independence, Gandhi's ideas aren't automatically those of the Congress leadership today.

Indeed, moved by the rioting amongst Hindus and Muslims as well as preoccupied with restoring calm in Calcutta, Gandhi declined to attend its Independence Day ceremony and festivities on August 15, 1947. (Suresh, 2015) The riots grieved him both because of their reason and because he feared they indicated a vulnerability in Indian culture that may lead to India's re-enslavement to one of the Big 3 (which included China).

Gandhi's ultimate dedication was to 'Ahimsa,' or nonviolence. He saw it as his primary responsibility. "The primary tenet of my religion is nonviolence." It is also the final tenet of my religion," he remarked, explaining why he called off from the Non-Cooperation Movement instantly after the violent episodes in Chauri Chaura or Bombay (Mumbai). He was emphatic that rights can indeed be obtained by refusing to do tasks. In his own words, Gandhi was battling an "evil foreign force." Nonetheless, he was certain that the obligation of nonviolence, like any other civic and national duty, cannot be exempted. That is why he was present with the team of volunteers to support governments during times of conflict, sometimes as a regular army, as a civic obligation, and on other occasions to assist the army, as a national duty.

Gandhian methods may be contested, but Gandhian principles cannot. In his last address to the Constituent Assembly, Ambedkar advocated those measures such as civil disobedience, non-cooperation, and satyagraha be abandoned. Unfortunately, even when our government came to power, we continued to use Gandhi's techniques against a terrible foreign entity. And we just abandoned the concepts behind Gandhi's approach. As we will see later in greater detail, Gandhi's fundamental contribution was not merely to advocate for, but also to construct nonviolent ways of political struggle in contexts when war, as well as other types of government violence, were often utilized. His effort here was ground-breaking, if at times insufficient, although it was adequate to place him outside of the established classifications. Gandhi was hardly a conscientious objector nor an advocate of political violence. He was a pioneer in the concept of "no-violence warfare.

1. Gupta, O., 2020. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences: A silver journey of 25 years. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 25(1), p.4.

2. Thafna, K., Navya, C., Binish, M., Gopikrishna, V., and Mahesh, M., 2017. Distribution of Nutrients in the Soils of a Unique Tropical Agroecosystem. Environmental Pollution and Protection, 2(2).

3. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 2019. Abstract Proceeding. 24(1), p.59.

4. Gupta, O., 2019. Breathlessness. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 24(2), p.113.

5. Gupta, O., 2016. Integrate. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 21(2), p.164.

6. Neki, N., 2017. Thyroid tuberculosis. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 22(1), p.29.

7. Mishra, M., 2020. Illness divinized. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 25(1), p.55.

8. Kumar, S., 2014. Blast injuries. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 19(2), p.85.

9.  Jain, D., 2019. Atopic March. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 24(1), p.7.

10. Rai, M., 2019. My Encounter. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 24(1), p.54.

11. Mendiratta, P., 2018. Losing a patient !. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 23(1), p.49.

12. Pauly, G., 2018. Dewdrops of insight. Journal of Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences, 23(1), p.48.

13. Chinu, A., 2019. Rediscovering Gandhian Textile Economy in the GST Era. SSRN Electronic Journal.

14. R, K., and Menon, V., 2019. Rethinking Gandhian Principles in Post Colonial Era. International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development, Volume-3(Issue-3), pp.286-289.

15. Baijayanti Ghosh, 2020. Gandhian philosophy of health and hygiene in an era of the pandemic. International Journal on Integrated Education, 3(8), pp.1-5.

16. Zinkin, M., 1966. The Congress Ideology and Programme 1920–47. Ideological Foundations of Indian Nationalism during the Gandhian Era. International Affairs, 42(2), pp.335-336.

17. Bock, R., Majumdar, B. and Mazumdar, B., 1968. Congress and Congressmen in the Pre-Gandhian Era, 1885-1917. The American Historical Review, 73(4), p.1226.

18. Suresh, D., 2015. Eradication of Social Evil: Gandhian Perception. SSRN Electronic Journal.