It is acknowledged that violence against women is a global public health and human rights issue that requires immediate response. It has an impact on women's human rights as well as their sexual and reproductive health. Even though there has been improvement over the past 15 years, much work remains. Governments and non-governmental organizations may guarantee women a life free from violence and its aftereffects by utilizing the tools provided by international human rights legislation and public health. Health clinicians must intervene, and health policy and services must address violence in a more methodical manner. They should, at the very least, be knowledgeable of violence and capable of reacting to it effectively, offering care and making referrals to other resources. Supporting interventions is just as crucial, if not more so. Domestic abuse is recognized worldwide as a social health issue that disproportionately affects women. It is divided into five categories: physical, sexual, verbal, economic, and emotional violence. Domestic violence against women also includes coercive sterilization and abortion, forcing women to use contraception against their will or withholding contraception from those who want to use it, genital mutilation, killing female offspring, and gender selection during pregnancy. A woman afflicted with a sexually transmitted disease by her partner or husband, as well as having a partner or husband have sexual intercourse with another woman, are both examples of sexual violence. Domestic abuse has major consequences on women's general and reproductive health, and it can lead to serious issues. Violations of women's sexual and reproductive health and rights are frequently the result of deeply held ideas and social ideals about women's sexuality. Women's duties within the family are generally valued primarily on their ability to reproduce, thanks to patriarchal ideas of gender. Early marriage and pregnancy, or repeated pregnancies spaced too close together—often as a result of efforts to create male kids due to a desire for sons—have a catastrophic influence on women's health, with potentially fatal implications. Women are frequently blamed for infertility, which leads to ostracism and a variety of human rights violations. Women's sexual and reproductive health is a complex subject.  Its background is quite long. Women's rights have been continuously progressing since the early 1900s.  The battle over sexual health and reproductive health began on a high scale in the 1900s. When the Margaret Sanger raised her voice about this, she started making other women aware about sex and reproductive health and told women about their various rights and started giving sex education.

UN has also made provisions regarding this in some of its conventions like Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (CESCR) and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

Women's sexual and reproductive health is linked to a variety of human rights, including the right to life, the right to be free of torture, the right to health, the right to privacy, the right to an education, and the prohibition on discrimination. The Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (CESCR) and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) have both stated unequivocally that women's rights to health encompass sexual and reproductive health.

After this, a meeting was held in Cairo in 1994 and a revolutionary program regarding women's rights was started, which was named International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD). ICPD started making women aware about sexual and reproductive health and started various types of programs. Gradually, the campaign gained momentum at the global level and all the countries started making laws on this subject.

In India too, considering the sexual and reproductive health of women, many legislative acts were passed.

In case of puttaswamy, Supreme Court held that women's constitutional freedom to make reproductive decisions as part of their personal liberty under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution[1].

The Supreme Court of India and other state high courts have taken significant steps towards recognizing the denial of reproductive rights as a violation of women's and girls' basic and human rights. This section highlights key decisions that have clearly established that women's and girl's legal rights to reproductive healthcare and autonomy give rise to a range of government obligations, including providing affordable, timely, and quality maternal health care; guaranteeing access to the full range of contraceptive methods in a non-coercive, quality, and target-free manner; preventing child marriage; and ensuring freedom from forced pregnancy. The National Family Health Survey-4 (2016) household-level results are analyzed in this research, and the data is supplemented with existing literature on domestic violence in India. The goal is to comprehend life cycle trends that affect a woman's sexual and reproductive health and, in turn, the nutrition of her offspring. Women's empowerment and agency, child health and nutrition, and sexual and reproductive health are the topics being investigated. What effects do spousal abuse and the concurrent lack of economic and personal agency have on the malnutrition cycle that affects multiple generations at a time? In order to safeguard women's and girls' rights to a life of safety and security, the paper presents a data-driven case for India in preventative initiatives and policy[2].

According to a 2017 study conducted in India, Nepal, and Bangladesh, GBV is a risk factor for unwanted births among married adolescent and young adult women. Studies from several nations have also found moderate to severe positive correlations between IPV and clinical depression. These studies found that women who had experienced intimate-partner violence had a two- to three fold greater risk of depressive disorders, as well as a 1.5- to two fold increased risk of heightened depressive symptoms and postpartum depression. These women reported higher levels of worry and sadness, as well as an increased risk of low birth weight babies, preterm delivery, and neonatal mortality. In one 2005 study, South Asian women in the US indicated that domestic violence limited their sexual liberty and raised the likelihood of unwanted pregnancies. They reveal that women in India who have experienced domestic abuse had a 35.5 percent increased likelihood of having a medical termination of pregnancy[3].  These abortions are likely to cause serious consequences. Similar findings exist in the present literature, indicating that violence frequently serves as a catalyst for women to decide to abort their pregnancy. Research in rural India indicates that domestic violence increases the likelihood of pregnant women seeking induced abortions and reporting subsequent violence, and vice versa. It was also discovered that women with greater socioeconomic level and education are more likely to choose to have an abortion if necessary. While there is a link between opting to medically terminate a pregnancy and domestic abuse, none exists for pregnancy outcomes or problems. The NFHS-4 sample analyzed for this article yielded contradictory results when compared to current literature. There is no significant relationship between the incidence of domestic violence and reproductive health indicators such as stillbirths, miscarriages, or, more specifically, reproductive care such as opting for treatment for post-abortion complications, ante-natal or post-natal care, or even the use of contraception methods. Violence during pregnancy is known to induce adverse health impacts on the developing baby, such as the risk of pre-term birth and low birth weight due to the direct trauma or abuse and the physiological effects of stress[4].  This pattern is not exclusive to India. In Timor-Leste, women who experienced many forms of violence were twice as likely to end their pregnancy. In Iran, intimate partner violence has been linked to negative maternal outcomes such as preterm labour, prenatal hospitalization, and vaginal hemorrhage. Other side effects include vaginal and cervical infections, kidney infections, bleeding during pregnancy, pre-term labour, severe vomiting, severe postpartum depression, breastfeeding difficulties, low self-esteem, poor weight gain, and anemia; cases of maternal mortality have also been documented. The data also show that women who experience any type of abuse at home are 15% less likely to give birth in an institutional setting and more likely to deliver at home[5].  Rural Uttar Pradesh exhibits comparable conduct, with a high prevalence of violence before or during pregnancy leading to harmful reproductive or pregnancy behavior, inadequate post-natal care, and restricted spousal communication about future family planning. Similar results were reported in Maharashtra, where a new participant, the mother-in-law, actively blocked their daughter-in-law's access to health treatments. In-law violence lowered the incidence of first trimester antenatal visits. Our sample also discovered that women who have experienced domestic abuse are around 6% more likely (statistically significant) to have unmet family planning requirements. Literature from other low and lower-middle-income nations confirms this finding, while also revealing the widespread usage of traditional ways to avoid pregnancy.