ISSN: 2456–5474 RNI No.  UPBIL/2016/68367 VOL.- IX , ISSUE- IV May  - 2024
Innovation The Research Concept

Rising Strategic Role Of India In Global Policy Making (Under Modi Government From 2014 To The Present)

Paper Id :  18935   Submission Date :  2024-05-04   Acceptance Date :  2024-05-12   Publication Date :  2024-05-25
This is an open-access research paper/article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
DOI:10.5281/zenodo.12591339
For verification of this paper, please visit on http://www.socialresearchfoundation.com/innovation.php#8
Sanju Sharma
Assistant Professor
Department Of Political Science
Kanoria PG Mahila Mahavidyalaya
Jaipur,Rajasthan, India
Abstract

Foreign policy is considered to be the wheel with which the international process is operationalized. It  is the sum total of the principles, interests and objectives which a state formulates in conducting its relations with other states. George Modelski, had defined foreign policy as "the system of activities evolved by communities for changing the behavior of other states and for adjusting their own activities to the international environment".

Keywords India, Role, Strategic, Modi, Foreign Policy, Factors, Nations, South Asia, East Asia, Central Asia.
Introduction
Foreign policy is not made in vacuum. The nation’s ideology, its geographical situation, economic and industrial condition, educational levels, political goals, historic experience, military strength, national character, domestic issues, international trade, political institutions, ethnicity and culture values all play decisive roles in the formation of foreign policy.
Objective of study

 The study has been made with the following objectives:

1. To know the basic principals and characteristics of Indian foreign policy;

2. To compare the importance given to domestic factors in Indian foreign policy making, besides the geographical and cultural proximity;

3. To understand the international situation and cooperation after the disintegration of USSR, which forced many countries including India to reshape its foreign policy.;

4. To find out changed  perspective in Indian forein policy under  Modi era;

5. To study the impact of personality factor on Indian foreign policy under Modi leadership;

6. To study the increasing importance of India in global and regional organizations;

7. To study the role of India to find a suitable solution to the issue of  climate change.

8. To study India’s changing approach towards terrorism. etc.

Review of Literature

Background

It is quite true in the context of Indian foreign policy too. Indian foreign policy was affected by Indian factors. After independence the period was very decisive from the point of foreign policy. India emerged as a free nation for taking its rightful place in the community of nations. The primary objective of Indian foreign policy was to achieve economic, political, social, scientific and technological development within a peaceful and democratic framework. For the achievement of these objectives there was a need to fashion a rightful foreign policy.

Along with India, many of its regional siblings got independence which had been part of ancient India at some point in history. These nations were smaller in comparison to Indian vast geographical summits so they were skeptical regarding India. At international front the super power blocs rivalry was on full run. So India had to tackle this issues simultaneously. India came with the policy of NAM to challenge the proliferation of  superpower blocs in the region and championed the cause of ‘self determination’ to ensure all its regional siblings that India respects the sovereignty of all nations big or small.

India always believed that given its strategic positions on the world map it should play an important role in world politics which reflected in Nehru’s quote. “We are in a strategic part of Asia, set in the center of the Indian Ocean, with intimate connection of the past and of the present with western Asia, with South-East Asia and with Far Eastern Asia. We could not ignore it, even if we would and we do not want to ignore it.'' India had played a world leader role in ancient times and it had the same aspirations after independence. We wanted to play this role based on few foundations which were part of our ancient philosophy  or our learning from being colonized such as  world peace, co-existence, de-colonization, de-racialization, non-violence, non- interference etc. Of course the making of foreign policy was not merely guided by these principles as we had to be considerate of dynamics of power politics of our times. In a way, it can be concluded that Indian foreign policy was formed to achieve its aim of realpolitik guided by its philosophy and theoretical underpinnings.

For example the conception of NAM was guided by the idea of world peace, non interference and cooperation for Asain, African and Latin American region. The political aim of NAM was to keep these regions out of the pulls and pressures of superpowers. India as a leader wanted to guide these regions with independent approach so that India along with these regions could continue in its task of nation building and development. India  knew there were numerous challenges on the domestic front  such as territorial consolidation, aftereffects of partition with Pakistan, poor economy and development, new democracy. If even one country of these regions joined any super power bloc, it would prove fatal to Indian interest. Simultaneously Non-alignment was the medium by which the politico-economic objectives of foreign aid could be achieved. Indian success in this fare can be measured by the fact that some plants of it were aided by the prominent countries as – Bhilai and Bokaro with the help of Soviet, Rourkela with the help of West Germany, Durgapur with British help and Tarapur atomic plant with US money.

NAM was never a mere mechanism to escape from super power rivalary. As mentioned earlier that given its strategic location and past heritage, India believed in its role as world leader so idea of NAM was also floated so that the world knows that being a active player in world matters ,India will  not remain silent rather will always put its opinion loud and clear. It was not a passive strategy rather it was always based  on action but action based on one's own ‘conscious’ not based on superpowers instructions. Hence we considered the march of North Korean troops into South Korea as aggression. We condemned the British and French invasion of Suez as naked aggression. We condemned Soviet inference in Hungray, and we were very critical of the bombardment in Vietnam by U.S.A

Nehru held a long fascination with Asian unity in which China and India would play a central role. Accordingly, the Sino—Indian relations were closely woven into Nehru's idea of the emergence of Asia, and of India's pivotal role in the new Asian cooperation.

So in initial years, India’s foreign policy was not aggressive. It was focused on the survival and security of the nation and unity of Asia as a region. But the war of 1962 shattered the faith in Sino-India unity.

This war pulled India from its idealistic foreign policy. Post Nehru era, a new era of realistic approach started in the foreign policy of India.

When Indira Gandhi came to power, the Cold War was at its peak and differences between China and Soviet Union as well the collaborations of China and Pakistan were affecting the security of India. She gave clear message to world that India had no aggressive or hegemonic intentions But any threat emanated by other countries against the unity and integrity of India would be given a prompt and decisive response.

Indira Gandhi took decisions considering its own national interest and security. She was not bothered about international opinion and pressure. Despite continuous pressure to sign NPT, She declared in 1970 at the Lusaka Non-aligned conference about the “right of non-aligned nations to take due advantage of nuclear technology including the staging of nuclear explosions”. And the day came in 1974, when India made a test or nuclear device for peaceful uses of atomic energy.

When Indian security concern was shadowed with increasing ties of Pakistan with USA and China. Indira Gandhi signed a wide ranging treaty with the USSR on 9th August 1971 not worrying the international accusations on its non alignment policy.

The Indo-Pakistan war that preceded Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, India’s support to Mukti Vahini in Bangladesh and the diplomacy that followed was the saga of Indira Gandhi's leadership. The war of 1971 was not just a military victory rather it was a huge political and diplomatic success. Later she showed statesmanship with Pakistan when the Shimla Agreement was signed. This was a great achievement for Indo-Pak relations when she ruled out the intervention of any third party in bilateral relations.

After the end of the cold war and disintegration of the USSR, India had to adjust to new realities. It was a very crucial time for India as India was passing through a combination of domestic,  political and economic crises. P.V. Narsimha Rao made a significant move by departing from self-reliance based economic policies and embracing the logic of the global marketplace under the backdrop of LPG (Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization). This condition reinforced India to make linkages with the US and Western Europe and the Asia Pacific region. Now the main concentration was given on the economic content of relations. The change in the international system, the success stories of the East Asian Tiger economies and the radical shift in economic and strategic circumstances prompted India to pay more attention to the rapidly growing economies of East and South East Asia.

When Modi came to power in 2014, he brought with himself the same dynamism and qualities which defined his long and successful innings as CM. He knew the importance of infrastructure and development through which he branded Gujarat as a model. So when he came in power, he had a clear vision for India.

He  gave a new life to Indian foreign policy.  In his leadership, Indian foreign policy became more assertive and aggressive. Modi's  Rising India idea was not limited to adjusting  to changing international scenario. His new India will rather change international scenario to adjust with India's vision and aspirations which reflected in  his  UN speech  that when India grows , the World grows.

The full majority in government gave him free hand in doing so. To play too big, it was necessary that India chart out new directions in its foreign policy. It was time to engage with the whole world with a larger perspective of branding India as a potential global player. India had to change its approach with regions where it was already engaged such as South Asia and East Asia. At the same time it has to make new engagements which until now were overlooked in past foreign policies such as Central Asia, Israel and middle east.

Invitation to heads of all countries for his oath ceremony was a symbolic shift of Indian foreign policy. It was a clear message to the world of New India rising.

To establish India as a world leader on the world map, Modi has used the tactic of ‘soft power’ never seen before. The use of cultural , educational and trade exchanges, addressing the Indians in big gatherings in other nations ex USA  and reminding them of their proud indigenoius culture and heritage, formal dialogues with the Indian diasporas who  are  heads  of global corporations is being systematically leveraged by Prime Minister Modi. India’s official technical, economic and health assistance as well as private sector projects in Asian and African countries, particularly India’s neighbours, also send a powerful positive message about India. Ahinsa Divas, yoga and ayurveda are manifestations of India's growing soft power.

In the backdrop of trust deficit between  its regional brothers and failure of SAARC as a regional player, Modi came up with the idea of ‘Neighborhood First policy”.

‘Neighbourhood first’ policy is a successful strategy of manvauering across south-asia regarding its strained relations with Pakistan. India has to ensure that its regional partners of south asia accept and endorse its important role in global affairs. It is only possible if they get something significant. To  develop this type of dynamic, India is keeping its neighbors in priority in providing assistance   which was apparent during covid 19 pandemic when India  supplied medical equipment and Hydroxychloroquine during the initial phase and supplied Indian vaccine under ‘vaccine matri’ to all its neighbours. Recently India provided a package of 3.8 million dollor to Sri-Lanka to cope up with its eco-politico crisis.

Focusing on East Asia,  Modi renamed the "Look East Policy” as "Act East Policy" in 2014. This was more than rebranding. This has reoriented India-ASEAN relation to security and strategic lines from mere economic and trade exchange. India is now expected not only to bolster its economic and strategic engagements with the region but also to emerge as a potential security balancer in the region as well for containment of China. This significant shift was clearly visible in presence of Heads of state and Heads of Government at the 2018 Republic Day celebrations. The India-USA-Japan-Australia Quad is also a pointer in the same direction.

Modi clearly knows the significance of the Indo-Pacific Ocean for its strategic security and its impact on world power dynamics. Indian Foreign Policy under Modi leadership is working very aggressively on it. Talking of shared peace and prosperity, Modi put forward the vision of ‘SAGAR’ (Security and Growth for all in region) in 2015. Modi has put considerable energy and time in talks of sustainable use of ocean framework for a safe , secure and stable maritime domain in region as in recent years uncertainty has risen in the region because  of  china’s territorial  expansionist agenda. India under Modi leadership is pushing forwards this agenda very strongly in ASEAN  and in United Nations.

One of the other hallmarks of Modi’s Foreign policy  has been his   personal steadfast engagement with multilateral international institutions, particularly the United Nations. In Paris climate change talks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced the concept of ‘climate justice’. We saw India’s rising strategic importance in  shaping and impacting  the negotiations in Copenhagen and Paristoo where the concept of “differentiation”  which was the central point of  Indian policy was added in the outcome document for climate change in the form of  different kinds of commitments for developed and developing  countries.

In the 2030 Agenda negotiations too, India was particularly effective in using its role to influence the content of the outcome documents. It had called for member states to not conflate issues of peace and security with the development agenda. So India  called for “peace and stability in the context of the development agenda [to] be looked at from a developmental lens, and not a political one.” These views were clearly reflected in the outcome document.

Not only in climate and development issues, but in security and strategic issues too, India is working impressively. UN’s designation of Massod Azhar, the chief of Jaiesh-e-Mohammad involved in terrorist attacks on India as a ‘global terrorist’  is a proof of it. The recent  Mexican proposal to United Nations to set up a committee that would include Indian PM Modi,  Pope Francis and UN Secretary General Antonio Gueterres to mediate permanent peace between Russia and Ukraine further  directs our attention to this trend.Modi is investing personally in UN diplomacy.He became the first Indian Prime Minster to  head UN SC sessions recently.

Under Modi’s leadership, transformative change was seen on terrorisn issue, too.Earlier in the wake of terrorist attacks,  we used to request the international community to stop pakistan form outsoucing its teror in our country but this time we answered back the attacks in Uri and Pulwama with surgical and air stikes.It was a message to not only the Pakistan but the whole world that we will have zero tolerance on terrorism.Todays india will  not merely condem terrorist attacks in words.Today India will pay back really hard on such terror moves just as USA.

For far too long, the Persian Gulf did not receive the attention it deserved. Many countries there were viewed as overly supportive of Pakistan for religious reasons and hence left outside of India’s priorities, Modi has also invested heavily in personal diplomacy with a number of Gulf States, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, seeking investment funds, better protections for the Indian diaspora in the region, and shoring up access to oil supplies.  Today the Modi government is trying  to loosen the ties that some of these states have to Pakistan, as it seeks to isolate Islamabad over its support for terrorist groups operating from its territory. Modi’s ability to jumpstart this transformation, while avoiding enmeshment in the current intra-Gulf rivalries and while preserving good relations with Iran, demonstrates an agility that has eluded even the United States.

Contours of India-Central Asia relationship has strengthened in an unprecedented manner. For a long time we ignored this dimension of power dynamics. Central Asia has significant endowments of energy related natural resources for example large reserves of coal, gas, crude oil etc. Modi visited  this region in 2015 which had a transformative impact in reinvigorating socio-politico-eco relations of both. Growing convergence of interests is bringing a paradigm shift in geostrategic dynamics which is evident in recent India-Central Asia Dialogue where all five countries attended despite the threat of omicron variant while sidetracking the meetings of organization of Islamic Cooperation. The Attendance testified the importance they give to India. Both recognize strategic imperatives for peaceful, stable Afghanistan in the context of close  geographical proximity to both sides.

 The most important tool of foreign policy is diplomacy, the traditional method to regularly grease the wheels of relations with other countries. This tool of diplomacy has been used extensively. The Modi era  saw unprecedented diplomatic outreach across the continents and hemispheres, covering small , medium and big nations. There has been a record number of high-level incoming and outgoing visits at the level of President, Prime Minister, Vice-President, External Affairs Minister and Ministers. In some cases, including our neighborhood, visits at the level of Prime Minister took place after a hiatus of ten to sixty years.

Modi has started a new form of diplomacy ‘Diplomacy For Development’. His intensified engagements with foreign partners have brought visible benefits through enhanced foreign investment and technology tie-ups, leading to the setting up of factories and creation of jobs. It has been possible to forge foreign collaborations for several flagship schemes such as Skill India, Smart Cities, Make in India, Digital India for creating a new India . Diplomatic outreach has resulted in commitments of substantial Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) from foreign Partners ( UAE:  , Japan , China:  ; South Korea  ) In the field of infrastructure, Japan has agreed to fund the construction of India’s first bullet train on Mumbai-Ahemdabad sector cutting short the travel time from seven to two hours. France, Germany, Japan, European Investment Bank have agreed to fund railways and Metro projects in India. Similarly there are commitments to develop Smart Cities in India.

The Modi government has put significant effort into changing the language and rhetorics of Indian foreign policy, setting aside terms and concepts inherited from the postcolonial era dominated by Jawaharlal Nehru, and introducing new ones largely drawn from the Hindu nationalist tradition of thought, running back to Swami Vivekananda and Aurobindo Ghose.

Clearly understanding the urgent need of diversifying sources of defense supplies and modernization of military, Modi  strengthened  the framework of the bilateral defense cooperation architecture with Israel—and brought India’s relations with Israel out of  the shadows of past. Modi’s vision in this regards is to go beyond the dependency on foreign nations. Hence he plans to prioritize defense production under his ‘Aatmanirbhar Bharat’ initiative. So much so that we not only achieve self-sufficiency in defense manufacturing  but start exporting also to other nations.

Modernization of the Indian military as shared before has been a grave concern for past governments too but the Modi government has taken real action towards this concern. The Indian soldiers who for years demanded but not heard were finally given  modern bullet proof jackets, ballistic helmets, and modern rifles by Modi.

In the trio of Russia, China and USA too, India is emerging as a potential active player. Russia is a time tested friend and China shares a strange relation of threat and cooperation. The increasing ties of Russia and China are evaluated and navigated by India to its security and development concerns. Although dealing with these ties is a treacherous path but India has very attentively trying to chart a path of pull and push in that regard. For example  prolonged Doklam face-off between the Indian and Chinese troops in September, 2017 posed a serious threat to bilateral relations but was fortunately resolved thanks to skilful use of diplomacy. Now With prevailing Wuhan Spirit  both  sides have agreed that they  must enhance efforts to build upon the convergences and handle the differences through peaceful discussions, and that peaceful, stable and balanced relations between India and China will be a positive factor for stability amidst current global uncertainties.

In this trio of USA, Russia and China,  USA sees India  as potential balancers. Today the USA knows India's importance in balancing power struggle amidst Russian-China ties. India is indeed balancing the global power dynamics where it is not acting on USA’s instructions but acting on its own needs and strategy. It was evident when  USA under CAATSA forbade India to trade with Russia but India chose its own path and did otherwise. Finally the USA had to give relaxation to India from its CAATSA regime for buying from Russia.

Conclusion

It is conclusive to say that Modi helped a qualitative upgrade in existing bilateral relationships and enhanced coordination on a range of regional and global issues. It revitalized and reinvigorated relations and at the same time opened new doors for mutually nourishing partnerships in a wide array of areas.

There are many challenges in front of India such as China blocking its entry in NSG, Slow pace of development, increasing ties between Russia and China, Taliban  rule in Afghanistan, Sri-Lanka's failed political system etc. India has to deal with all these challenges very carefully only then it can claim its place in the global stage as a world leader.

References

1. Abhyankar RM. Indian Diplomacy: Beyond Strategic Autonomy. New Delhi: Oxford University Press; 2018. [Google Scholar]

2. Bajpai, K. 2017. Narendra Modi's Pakistan and China policy: assertive bilateral diplomacy, active coalition diplomacy. International Affairs 93 (1): 69–92.

3. Bandyopadhyaya J. The Making of India’s Foreign Policy: Determinants, Institutions, Processes and Personalities. Bombay: Allied Publishers; 1970. [Google Scholar]

4. Basrur R. Modi’s Foreign Policy Fundamentals: A Trajectory Unchanged. International Affairs. 2017;93(1):7–26. doi: 10.1093/ia/iiw006. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

5. Basrur R. Modi, Hindutva, and Foreign Policy. International Studies Perspectives. 2019;20(1):7–11. [Google Scholar]

6. Chacko P. The Right Turn in India: Authoritarianism, Populism and Neoliberalisation. Journal of Contemporary Asia. 2018;48(4):541–565. doi: 10.1080/00472336.2018.1446546. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

7. Chatterjee Miller M. Do Leader Ideologies Influence Foreign Policy? Nehruvianism vs. Moditiva. Asia Policy. 2020;27(2):176–178. doi: 10.1353/asp.2020.0018. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

8. Chatterjee Miller M, Sullivan de Estrada K. India’s Rise at 70 (Special Issue) International Affairs. 2017;93(1):1–219. doi: 10.1093/ia/iiw036. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

9. Chaulia S. Modi Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of India’s Prime Minister. New Delhi: Bloomsbury; 2016. [Google Scholar]

10. Chhibber PK, Verma R. Ideology and Identity: The Changing Party Systems of India. New York: Oxford University Press; 2018. [Google Scholar]

11. Friedrichs G. From Factions to Factions: India’s Foreign Policy Roles Across Different Party Systems. India Review. 2019;18(2):125–160. doi: 10.1080/14736489.2019.1605120. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

12. Ganguly S. Has Modi Truly Changed India’s Foreign Policy? The Washington Quarterly. 2017;40(2):131–143. doi: 10.1080/0163660X.2017.1328929. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

13. Ganguly S, Hellwig T, Thompson WR. The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Indian Elites: Variance, Structure, and Common Denominators. Foreign Policy Analysis. 2017;13(2):416–438. [Google Scholar]

14. George VK. Open Embrace: India-US Ties in the Age of Modi and Trump. New Delhi: Penguin; 2018. [Google Scholar]

15. Gokhale N. Securing India the Modi Way: Pathankot, Surgical Strikes and More. New Delhi: Bloomsbury; 2017. [Google Scholar]

16. Gupta S, Mullen RD, Basrur R, Hall I, Blarel N, Pardesi MS, Ganguly S. Indian Foreign Policy under Modi: A New Brand or Just Repackaging? International Studies Perspectives. 2019;20(1):1–45. doi: 10.1093/isp/eky008. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

17. Hall I. Is a ‘Modi Doctrine’ Emerging in Indian Foreign Policy? Australian Journal of International Affairs. 2015;69(5):247–252. doi: 10.1080/10357718.2014.1000263. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

18. Hall I. Multialignment and Indian Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi. The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs. 2016;105(3):271–286. doi: 10.1080/00358533.2016.1180760. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

19. Hall I. Modi and the Reinvention of Indian Foreign Policy. Bristol: Bristol University Press; 2019. [Google Scholar]

20. Hansel M, Khan R, Levaillant M, editors. Theorizing Indian Foreign Policy. London and New York: Routledge; 2017. [Google Scholar]

21. Jaffrelot C. India in 2016: Assessing Modi Mid-Term. Asian Survey. 2017;57(1):21–32. doi: 10.1525/as.2017.57.1.21. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

22. Jha PS. China–India Relations under Modi: Playing with Fire. China Report. 2017;53(2):158–171. doi: 10.1177/0009445517696630. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

23. Mattoo A. Staggering Forward: Narendra Modi and India’s Global Ambition. New Delhi: Penguin Viking; 2018. [Google Scholar]

24. Mattoo A, Jacob H, editors. Shaping India’s Foreign Policy: People, Politics and Places. New Delhi: Har-Anand; 2010. [Google Scholar]

25. Mazumdar A. Narendra Modi’s Pakistan Policy: A Case of Old Wine in Old Bottles. The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs. 2017;106(1):37–46. doi: 10.1080/00358533.2016.1272957. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

26. Mohan CR. Modi’s World: Expanding India’s Sphere of Influence. New Delhi: HarperCollins; 2015. [Google Scholar]

27. Ogden C. Tone Shift: India’s Dominant Foreign Policy Aims under Modi. Indian Politics and Policy. 2018;1(1):2–23. doi: 10.18278/inpp.1.1.2. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

28. Pant HV. Indian Foreign Policy: The Modi Era. New Delhi: Har-Anand; 2019. [Google Scholar]

29. Pant HV, Rej A. Is India Ready for the Indo-Pacific? The Washington Quarterly. 2018;41(2):47–61. doi: 10.1080/0163660X.2018.1485403. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

30. Pant HV, Joshi Y. Indo-US Relations under Modi: The Strategic Logic Underlying the Embrace. International Affairs. 2017;93(1):133–146. doi: 10.1093/ia/iiw028. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

31. Plagemann J, Destradi S. Populism and Foreign Policy: The Case of India. Foreign Policy Analysis. 2019;15(2):283–301. doi: 10.1093/fpa/ory010. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

32. Rajagopalan R. Evasive Balancing: India’s Unviable Indo-Pacific Strategy. International Affairs. 2020;96(1):75–93. doi: 10.1093/ia/iiz224. [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]

33. Singh S, editor. Modi and the World: (Re)Constructing Indian Foreign Policy. Singapore: World Scientific; 2017.