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Voices Of Change: A Study Of Socio Cultural Status
Of Dalit Women In Sehore District, Madhya Pradesh (India) |
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| Paper Id :
19187 Submission Date :
2024-08-12 Acceptance Date :
2024-08-21 Publication Date :
2024-08-25
This is an open-access research paper/article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. DOI:10.5281/zenodo.13734272 For verification of this paper, please visit on
http://www.socialresearchfoundation.com/researchtimes.php#8
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| Abstract |
In present study, we investigate the social and cultural dimensions of Dalit women residing in the Sehore District of Madhya Pradesh, India. By focusing on five critical issues (violence, working conditions, education, political participation, environment and women’s empowerment) we employed mixed method approach involving interviews with 20 individuals and structured questionnaires completed by 512 participants. Our findings reveal that despite India’s cultural admiration of women and significant international accomplishments, Dalit women continues to face marginalization. The research therefore, advocates the necessity for prompt engagement by stakeholders, arguing for transformative measures towards equity and inclusivity. |
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| Keywords | Dalit Women, Sociocultural, Women Empowerment, Working Conditions. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Introduction | Women defined as ‘Dalit’(Pankaj& Pandey, 2018)are disadvantaged and face inferiority complex (Ambedkar, n.d). The constitution of India promises equal rights to all its citizens however, Dalit women for instance who constitutes about 16 percent of the female population in India (Rai, 2016), still suffer from caste, class and gender discrimination in present India (Muley, 2022).In India, stories of Dalit women have remained unheard and neglected for long(Ghosh & Ghosh, 1997). They are forced to work lifelong as daily earnings for lack of education and resources for poverty eradication in the society and if they dare to dream and expect better salary or refuse to obey orders, they are humiliated, beaten and tortured (Mahey, 2003).This kind of exploitation is deeply rooted in the religious, political and caste systems that rule land relations (Mandal, 2004).Therefore within the get-well picture of diversity in India the tales of Dalit women come up as an active yet suppressed strand which depicts strength voice and search for liberation (Jena, 2021). Despite facing many challenges, Dalit women have shown great strength and determination (Fatima, 2008).They have worked hard to improve their lives and fought for their rights (Prasad & Haranath, 2004).The present empirical investigation is a voyage from margin to centre of Dalit women’s sociocultural existence, which attempts to unravel the trajectory and experiences of oppression and resistance (Soumya, 2017). |
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| Objective of study | This study aims to uncover the socio-cultural problems faced by Dalit women, particularly focusing on the causes of socio-cultural violence(Rao, 2015; Minchekar, 2019; Senapati, 2021; Mandal, 2022), working conditions(Fatima, 2008; Kumar, 2020; Mahey, 2003; Pai, 2015), education(Churiyana, 2017; Neelakandan&Patil, 2012; Paik, 2014; Verma, 2000), political participation(Bharti, 2017; Gupta, 2005; Malik, 2011; Thirupathi, 2021) and environment and women’s empowerment(Khandare, 2017; Kumar & Mishra, 2022; Muley, 2022; Vyshali, 2021). We employed a mix-method approach to study our objectives. First, based of detailed literature review we formulated 20 questions, which were then asked in form of an interview to twenty different Dalit women participants. Second, based on insights received from interview feedback, we constructed a survey in form of a quiz. The survey was conducted over 8 tehsil of Sehore district and voluntary participation was significant.Then we tested two hypotheses: one for understanding of sociocultural status of Dalit women and second to explore how their spatial distribution and demographic factors affect such status. Rigorous statistical analysis revealed that Dalit women are still marginalized and demographic factors have significant influence over sociocultural status of these women. The study has major implication for stakeholders, policymakers and NGOs so as to prevent social disparities.Thus, this study endeavours to bridge the gap between the margins and the mainstream, shedding light on the complexities of Dalit women’s lives, celebrating their resilience, and advocating for transformative action towards a more equitable and inclusive society. |
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| Review of Literature | A detailed review of existing literature for the chosen variables for present study is as follows; Violence against Dalit women The discussion about violence against Dalit women helps us understand its causes, types, and possible solutions. Dalit women suffer severe abuse from upper-caste individuals like landlords, moneylenders, local officials, and police officers, both in farm work and daily life (Meera, 1979). Burdened by heavy debts, they often work in the fields for these people without pay and sometimes are forced to offer sexual favors to repay debts. This exploitation is deeply rooted in the caste, religious, and political systems that control land relations (Mandal, 2004).The types of violence Dalit women face include physical assault, verbal abuse, sexual harassment, rape, sexual exploitation, forced prostitution, kidnapping, imprisonment, and lack of medical care. They also suffer from domestic abuses like female foeticide, infanticide, child sexual abuse, and intimate partner violence (Mangubhai& Lee, 2012). Even though scheduled caste women report higher rates of violence compared to others, domestic violence against Dalit women is still not adequately addressed (Sujatha, 2014). In their marital homes, Dalit women face different kinds of exploitation and abuse, continuing their suffering and marginalization (Senapati, 2021). Working condition of Dalit women Ghosh and Ghosh (1997) state that economic deprivation forces Dalit women to perform laborious tasks typically meant for men, often without fair compensation. These tasks include working in paddy fields, construction sites, maternity care, corpse disposal, and dancing as dom women. Despite their contributions, Dalit women face marginalization and stigma, are relegated to low-paying daily wage jobs due to poverty and illiteracy, and suffer humiliation, beatings, and torture if they demand better pay or resist orders (Mahey, 2003). Due to globalization their situation has worsen, Dalit women and girls working in flower picking for low wages face health risks from agrochemicals, leading to issues like excessive discharge and tumors (Fatima, 2008). Many are grouped into low-paying jobs leaving families struggling to afford basic needs and perpetuating poverty and illiteracy (Tayyab, 2015). However, a growing middle class is challenging exclusion and seeking fair benefits from globalization (Pai, 2015). Kumar (2020) notes that Dalit women in rural India continue to perform menial tasks but are transforming from submission to resistance. Education of Dalit women India has a lot of problems with discrimination against women, such as killing babies for dowry, rape, and inappropriate image (Nambissan, 1996). Education is key to protect women’s rights and its deprivation is often caused by poverty and illiteracy (Nambissan, 1996). Verma(2000) argues that there are problems with the formal education system. Caste has a big impact on education in India, where students from lower castes face abuse in school and in social situations (Kapoor, 2008). Dalit students are treated unfairly at school; for example, they are not allowed to use shared areas out of concern that they will get sick (Nambissan, 2009). There isn’t enough Dalit history in the education, which keeps them on the outside (Nambissan, 2009). Even in college, discrimination still happens, and Dalit students are left out of social groups (Neelakandan&Patil, 2012). Dalit women’s level of schooling also shows bigger problems in society, which affects how people think about housework, marriage, and sexuality (Paik, 2014). Even with these problems, education is still an important way for disadvantaged groups to gain power because it helps them escape poverty and build communities (Churiyana, 2017). Today, education is seen as an important way to improve both individual growth and societal progress. It covers many areas of growth and deals with problems like freedom, equality, and well-being (Churiyana, 2017). To level the playing field for jobs and support inclusive societal development, it is important to give less fortunate people more power through education. Political participation of Dalit Women Sociopolitical development (SPD) in community psychology emphasizes empowerment, social change, oppression, liberation, critical consciousness, and cultural contexts (Watts, Williams, &Jagers, 2003). However, U.S. community psychology literature has often overlooked these vital concepts (Watts et al., 2003). Chhibber’s (2003) study on woman’s political employment with attitudes and exposure reveals that women’s participatory picture is challenging in Dalit politics. Nevertheless, activism or politics have a problem of masculinity as well as caste problematization (Ciotti, 2006; Malik, 2011). However, there is a challenge indicating that Dalit women face patriarchal resistance, and institutional hegemony even if they seized a considerable proportion in the panchayats (Haokip&Umarani, 2018). Hence, Thirupati in his article of February 2021 suggest that Policy Implementation is paramount for the emancipation of dalits politically. Environment and Empowerment of Dalit Women The literature review explores the historical narrative of Dalit women, emphasizing their cultural practices intertwined with environmental sustainability. Environmental sociology is a subfield that Catton and Dunlap (1978) defined as the effort to determine and resolve issues emerging from the societal relationship with the natural environment. Kumar & Mishra (2022) recognize that mainstream Indian environmental movements root out Dalit women’s particular environmental difficulties because they played crucial functions as the swachhbharatabhiyan 2014. Gadgil and Guha are credited for pointing out that media fails to recognize Dalits as environmental custodians of India terming them as ‘invisible environmentalists’. The ecological sensibility that Dalits bring out is coloured deeply by the experiences of marginalization in the Indian social body politic that is transposed to ecological apartheid (Prasad, 2022). Rege (1998) wrote on the section of autonomous Dalit women organizations against upper caste hegemonic domination on women’s body and sexuality and Devi (2006) also give credit to Dr. B. R Ambedkar for empowering the Dalit Women. Caste, gender and class interplay determines Dalit women’s realities- these are characterized by oppression in structures and prejudice in the society (Kumar, 2009). Dalit Women Representatives is a newly emerging force demanding change at the grassroots level as they deal with some of the major issues including health and education (Behera, 2011).GarimaAbhiyan helps Dalit women fight against manual scavenging (Schauman, 2012), and the latest research concentration on caste social structure, patriarchy, and education (Paik, 2016). To encourage the Dalit women’s local governance participation, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment provides a quota reservation. Further, Muley (2022) have well documented the autobiographies of Dalit women against the social discriminations of caste and gender and demand justice as well as respect. |
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| Methodology | The sample data for the study was collected from
Sehore district of Madhya Pradesh. First, we interviewed 20 participants from
Dalit women community to understand the root causes that affect their socio
cultural status. Accordingly 20 questions were framed based on literature study
(Appendix – I). Next, based on insights gained from these interviews we
constructed 26 questions (Appendix – II)in quiz formataligned with our research
objective and informed by the existing literature, wherein only one response
was correct. Hence, for correct response we marked ‘1’ and for incorrect
responses we marked ‘0’. This was done to all the responses of the candidate.
The total score of the candidate was then calculated. An ideal score of 50% or
more was assumed by the researcher to be showing a difference in the social
status of women. This score was termed as the hypothesized mean. Both interview
questions and survey quiz question were in Hindi language so as to facilitate
easy understanding from local Dalit women sample population.The research has
been conducted in 8 tehsils of Sehore district viz. Ichhawar, Aashta, Shyampur,
Rehti, Sehore, Jawar, Bherunda and Budhni. The participants (Dalit women, N=512)
were randomly identified from the urban and rural areas of the above tehsils. These
questions were personally asked by the researcher to Dalit women and their
responses were noted. The age of the participants is between 18-55 years. About
401 women were married and the rest were unmarried. Most of the women were
non-graduates and performed agricultural work. Some worked on daily wages and a
few did a private or government job. Personal details of participants are kept
anonymous.The responses were then entered into an MS-Excel sheet. Subsequently,
data sourced from these processed worksheets facilitated relevant statistical
analyses using MS Excel and SPSS.Rigorous data processing included visual
validation of submission accuracy and prior consent was secured from
participants, emphasizing the voluntary nature of their involvement, and no
incentives were offered. For testing Hypothesis1, we performed one sample
t-test with assumed mean score of 13. For testing Hypothesis2, we performed
linear regression with participant’s sociocultural quiz score as dependent
variable and location variables, age, education, marital status, children and
profession as dependent variables. Location variables were coded as 1 to 8 for
eight tehsils alphabetically (Asta, Bherunda, Budhni, Ichhawar, Jawar, Rehti, Sehore,
Shyampur), education variables were coded as 1 to 7 (Primary, Middle, High
School, Higher Secondary, Graduation, PG, PhD), marital status were coded as ‘1’
for married and ‘0’ for unmarried and profession variables were coded as 1 to 8
arranged alphabetically (Agriculture, Daily Wage, Education, Govt. Job, House
Wife, Job, Personal Work, Private Work). Age and number of children were
continuous variables. The dependent variable was continuous being only one
correct option. No separate control variables were selected. |
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| Result and Discussion |
The results for Hypothesis1 are given in Table-1,2&3; Table-1
Table-2
Table-3
The one-sample statistics reveal information about the sample of 512 observations. The sample has a mean score of 9.15, a standard deviation of 2.423, and a standard error of the mean of 0.107. In the one-sample t-test, the assumed average value of the population was established as 13. The test findings indicate a statistically significant result at the 0.05 level, with a t-statistic of -35.921 and 511 degrees of freedom. The p-value is 0.000. Therefore, the null hypothesis, which states that the average score is 13, may be rejected. Sample mean differs from the test value by -3.846 with 95% confidence interval (-4.06 to -3.64). Effect sizes are additionally provided to highlight the extent of the difference between the mean of the sample and the value being tested. The Cohen’s d statistic, using the sample standard deviation as the standardizer (2.423), yields a point estimate of -1.587. This indicates a substantial effect size and suggests that the sample mean is much lower than the test value. Similarly, when applying Hedges’ correction, the resulting effect size is -1.585. Both effect size measurements validate significant difference between the sample mean and the test value. The results for Hypothesis2 are given in Table-4&5;
The model summary of the regression analysis indicates that the dependent variable "Score" is predicted by the variables Profession, Tehsil, Age, Education, Marital Status, and Children. The multiple correlation coefficient (R) is 0.300, suggesting a moderate relationship between the predictors and the dependent variable. The R Square value is 0.090, meaning that the model explains approximately 9% of the variance in the scores. The adjusted R Square is slightly lower at 0.079, which adjusts for the number of predictors in the model. The standard error of the estimate is 2.325, indicating the average distance between the observed values and the regression line.The change statistics reveal that the addition of the predictors results in an R Square change of 0.090 and an F Change of 8.332, which is statistically significant (p = 0.000). This indicates that the model with these predictors significantly improves the prediction of the dependent variable compared to a model without them. The Durbin-Watson statistic is 1.390, suggesting a slight positive autocorrelation, but it is not severe considering respondent’s educational profile.
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| Conclusion |
The purpose of this research was to give a holistic view of the Sehore district of Madhya Pradesh, India, on the socio-cultural aspect of the Dalit women on relevant issues that include violence, working conditions, Education, politics, environment, and women’s empowered. The information collected from conducting one-to-one interviews with 20 people alongside administering structured questionnaires to 512 participants presents the complexity of the issues affecting this vulnerable group. In line with Devi (2023), the results of the study show that socio-cultural status of the Dalit women show a deplorable position in an overall index score which include various parameters. In particular, the average score still remains below the assumed value of the expected 50% from the overall possible score, which still suggests that much more is required to enhance the subjects’ socio-cultural status(Rege, 1998). This reveals that there are continued cases of Violence, nature of work and employment, educational attainment, and political enfranchisement of Dalit Women in Sehore are still wanting. Furthermore, the regression analysis also provided that out of the demographic factors, Marital Status had a positive influence the socio-cultural status of these Dalit women. This implies that marital status influences enrichment of socio cultural capital apprehensively because being single, married or in a relationship brings stability in social and economic aspects. Nevertheless, Tehsil, Age, Education, Children, and Profession were found insignificant implying that these variables alone, out of the socio-cultural fabric do not have a great impact to alter the socio-cultural status of Dalit women in this regard.
Academic Implications From a scientific approach, this research by providing a Dalit women’s socio-cultural status findingsadds to other studies on gender and caste disparities in India (Kumar, 2021). The combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies strengthens the credibility of the results providing a richness for understanding the complexity of the issues Dalit women’s face. Subsequent studies could look at other potential antecedents and moderation effects to supplement the identification of what hails their socio-cultural standing. Social Implications The discovery in this study is very strong and carries a lot of ‘social significance.’ The study emphasises the importance of specific initiatives of the policymakers, social activists, and the leaders of the community to fight against social-cultural discriminations of Dalit women. Strategies that concern the access to education, working conditions, and political INCLUSION are essential(Malik & Shrivastava, 2011). Additionally, this research reveals the existence of a socio-cultural gap and therefore, programs that can directly target unmarried and widowed women might be useful in covering the gap (Bharti, 2017). Thus, it should be noted that despite the given socio-cultural situation of Dalit women in Sehore district, an essential change towards its improvement and more comprehensible conditions for these women should be a priority (Vyshali, 2021). Therefore, there is a need to encourage stakeholders actively participate in a common crusade aimed at combating these disparities to enable a society with social justice. |
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| References |
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